• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.188-209
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• 2009

Dangsan forests had been established by local residents several hundred years ago. They were disturbed in various ways, but still remain in many villages where dangsan festivals are held every year. Although the remaining Dangsan forests represent korean rural cultural landscapes, their characteristics still remain to be uncovered. The objectives of this study were to understand the three elements, Dangsan tree (Divine tree), shrine and stone tower, and to investigate the culture at inland areas and seashore areas relation to Dangsan forests. Twenty cases of Dangsan forests at inland areas and twenty at seashore areas were investigated. There were nine shrines and six stone towers found out of twenty inland Dangsan forests. Fifteen shrines were found out of twenty seashore Dangsan forests. Stone tower was not found at seashore areas. Fifteen events of dangsan festival were investigated. Dangsan festival appeared to have played an important role to preserve Dangsan forests. Based on the findings of this study, Dangsan forests are, as landscape elements at inland and seashore areas, proved to have a potential for the improvement of cultural and natural landscapes in the country.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.17-32
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• 2006

This essay has attempted to document the actual behavior patterns and the social networks related to the child delivery in the pre-industrial Korean society. We interviewed 30 women who had given birth to their first child during the 1930s and the 1940s in order to accumulate data related to son-prayer rites, prenatal care and food avoidance, sacred-string culture, and other incantation rituals. The characteristics of the social relationships with the person who had assisted the delivery and the recovery were also analyzed in terms of kinship networks. The results are as follows. First, there was a big gap between knowledge and the actual practices in birth rituals and customs. We assume that this is due to the adverse social-economic conditions at that time which may have restricted the actual performances of these customs. Second, there were almost no differences of the performance of these' birth customs between the urban areas and the rural areas. Third, the people who assisted the delivery were women who were mostly from the husband's family. Help from the wife's family were quite exceptional. Finally, it has been found out that only about half of the women who were interviewed performed the well-known custom of three-week after-birth confinement.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.133-165
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• 2019

This paper tried an approach of oral literature as the research subject of Soeburi song in Ulsan. First, UlsanSoeburi song is meaningful as materials collected in Ulsan such as Hansil, Dodoekgol, Dudong and Byeongueong. In addition, it is related to regional identity as song native to Ulsan, which has prototype and archetype. And it shows that Ulsan is the city as well as hometown of Soeburi(meaning ' iron manufacture'). The characteristics of lyrics are different between Hansil Soeburi song and Dodeokgol Soeburi song. Jeiman Choi is considered as a good oral literature poet, because he is a performer who is faithful in official structural principal and in original lyrics(archetype) of Soeburi song. Therefore, SoeburiBulmei song of Jeiman Choi signifies aesthetic meaning, having lyrics which make to feel labor's purity and sacred and melody which overcomes labor's difficulty through united action. On the other hand, SoeburiBulmei song of Dalo Kim in Doseokgol shows that he is a extemporaneous performer even though he performs based on official structural principal. In this paper, transmission and changes of UlsanSoeburi song are divided into basic type, frequent shift type and overall type. 'Basic type' originates from Jeiman Choi's Soeburi song in Hansil. 'Frequent shift type' was created by combining SoeburiBulmei song of Dalo Kim in Doseokgol and SoeburiGeumjul song in Ulsan. 'Overall type' is current Soeburi song, which was created by adding Bulmei song for lulling a baby in Byeongueong near Dalcheon region and Seoknyanggan(smithy) Bulmei song. UlsanSoeburi song is being passed down continuously, strengthening the identity as a representative folk song in Ulsan through endless process of transmission and changes.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.127-155
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• 2018

This paper considers the structure and meaning of the folktale accompaniment of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree. The review process examined the meaning of each structure of the UlsanSoeburisoree in the preparation process while preparing the main elements of the structural features along with the historical background of the structure. UlsanSoeburisoree is Poongcheol ritual ceremony which means prayer ceremony for the production of iron. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree is 1-Gilnori 2-Gosa 3-The sound of blowing smelting process 4-The sound of process of iron smelting 5-The sound of tabooline 6-The sound of blowing smelting process 7-The sound of blowing matches 8-The After-party. This structure is in line with the structure of folk play called Gilnory-Gosa-Performance-After-party. This is similar to the basic structure of folk beliefs Cheongsin(請神)-Osin(娛神)-Songsin(送神). Thus, the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree was formulated in a sequential parallel structure. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree resemble the sacrifice of heaven ceremony since the time of the SamHan dynasty. The sound of the birth of life by physical sacrifice also plays the role of the song of creation of new life. The sound of UlsanSoeburisoree can be seen not only in Korea 's folk culture but also in folk culture of GyeongnamDo area. There are many festivals to pray for the abundance of life for UlsanSoeburisoree. Soil plays an absolute role in the process of producing iron. For those who soak it, the earth is a religious object. Among the folk tales handed down in the Yeongnam area, there are a lot of performances that are passed down through the blending of the people 's affection to overcome the harshness of life. In the case of the sound of UlsanSoeburisoree, it can be said that it was made and mixed with the wind that wanted to go beyond the harshness of life and the spirit of art.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.157-186
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• 2018

Ulsan Soeburi song was reenacted in the 1980s based on the testimony and songs of late Choi Jae man (1987 death), the last blacksmith of the iron production plant at Dalcheon dong, Ulsan in August 1981. The purpose of this study is to analyze Soeburi song from the musical perspective based on 13 kinds of data including video in 1981, and confirm the changing patterns in the tradition process. The derived results are summarized as follows. In the results of examining Soeburi Song data in 2017, the percussion instruments consist of kkwaenggwari 2 (leading small gong 1, follow small gong 1), jing 2 (large gong 2), buk 4 (drum 4), janggu 4 (double headed drum 4), taepyongso 1 (Korean shawm 1), and Jangdan (rhythm) consists of five such as Jilgut, Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi, Jajin Deotbaegi. The vocal songs are sung accompanied by the Deotbaegi Jajin Deotbaegi (beat) of quarter small triplet time, or without accompaniment. The scale is mostly Mi La do's third note or Mi La do re's fourth note, and the range does not exceed one octave. All the cadence tones are the same as La. From the results of observing Soeburi song performance until today after the excavation in 1981, it is found that there are four major changes. First, the composition of the music is differentiated into 'long Jajin (slow fast)', and , , and are added. Second, the singing method is based on 'single cantor + multi post singers' since 1980's reenactment, and a single post singer was also specified from time to time. In addition, , which was performed in 2013, became the foundation of . Third, a melodic change of was observed. All beat structures are quarter small triplet time, but the speed gets slow, Mi La do's three notes are skeletonized to be corrected with high re and low sol, and then the characteristics of Menari tori (the mode appeared in the eastern province of the Korean peninsula) are to be clear. Lastly, the four percussion instruments such as kkwaenggwari, jing, janggu, and buk are frequently used, and depending on the performance, sogo (hand drum), taepyongso, yoryeong (bell) are also added. Jangdan played Jajinmori, Dadeuraegi, Deotbaegi and Jajin Deotbaegi from the beginning, and thereafter, the Jilgut Jangdan was added. Through these results as above, it is confirmed that at the time of the first excavation, a simple form of such as has been changed into a male labor song, the purpose of which has changed, and that the playability has become stronger and changed into a performing arts.