• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.42
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• pp.295-330
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• 2014

This article is to investigate into the philosophical background and the applicability of the humanities programmes effectively to practice them, not to educate the religious doctrines, based on the traditional-cultural resources in the education center affiliated with the religious institution. These humanities programmes can be understood on the lifelong education associated with a person. In the light of common curriculum practising in the existing education center, contents of those programmes are reviewed with classifying the humanities programmes into 3 parts, that is, eastern classical language education, eastern classical education, and eastern traditional prognosticating arts branching off from the eastern philosophy. Eastern classical language education indicates the classical Chinese characters and literatures in the context of our historical tradition. Eastern classical education implies the education which can acquire classical literatures in a modern way, as a accumulation of knowledges having been in charge of a person's lifelong education, and as a entity responsible for making a person to bring to maturity of his character by comprehending the life of human being and the world in pre-modern, Finally, the eastern philosophy is chosen for the reason that have the very interesting contents which can report facts that recover the integral relationship between nature and human being lacking in contemporaries, and instead of rejecting to interpret human being excessively in terms of materialism, is a significant one endowed with the mission which should develop his potentials through the his lifelong. Especially, eastern traditional prognosticating arts are selected that people has considered with them so kindly, and are the knowledges forming the cores of national culture. It may be a very important that attempts to develop the humanities programmes practising in the education center affiliated with the religious institution are not only the demands of the times in our days, but also a new teaching way replacing with old fashioned teachings.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.263-299
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• 2014

This study aims to look into weapons names mentioned in "Unhae", a book of traditional martial arts annotated into Korean. Comprehensive conclusions drawn from this are as follow. First, the annotated martial arts book is compiled to the order of Muyejaebo of year 1598, Muyejaebobunyuksokjib(A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo) of year 1610, Moojesinbo of year 1759, and Muyedobotongji of year 1790. Second, in the martial arts book are a total of 24 weapons with 4 types of spears, swords, bare hands & poles, and horseback weapons. Weapon names of ?Unhae? taken into detailed analysis, spears are 5 types of Jangchang (long spears), Jukjangchang (long spears made of bamboo), Keechang (flagged spears), Dgangpa (skewered spears), and Nangseon (forked spears). Swords are 10 types of Ssangsoodo (two-handed swords), Yedo (pointed swords), Waegum (Japanese swords), Waegumkyojun (Japanese battle swords), Jedokgum (Admiral's swords), Bongukgum (native swords), Ssanggum (coupled swords), Woldo (moon swords), Hyupdo (narrow swords), Deungpae (swords made of rattan). Bare hands & poles are 3 types of Gwonbeop (fists), 7070 Gonbang (clubs), and Pyeon-gon (flailed clubs). Horseback weapons are 6 types of flagged spears, MasangSsanggum (coupled horseback spears), MasangWoldo (horseback moon swords), MasangPyeon-gon (horseback flailed clubs), Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures). Third, spears of the martial arts book, "Unhae" had the function as long weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Swords had the function as short weapons, and were used for military drills of the infantry. Bare hands & poles had the function as short weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Horseback weapons composed of short and long weapons were used for military drills of the cavalry. In addition to these, Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures) were martial arts to which entertaining elements were added. Fourth, the difference in its compiling is that Mooyejebo and A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo place both Chinese characters and Korean annotation in the context together with introduction of weapons while Moojedobo Tongji explains weapons in Chinese and compiles a separate copy of Korean annotation that explains mainly postures in each lineage of martial arts for soldiers to acquire practical skills.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.73
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• pp.385-414
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• 2018

In this article, the women as the subject of the family management in the 19th century cataclysm, In particular, I tried to reconstruct the specific life course of a woman who has a status as a jongbu(종부) in the Korean language through the Hangul letter. The Haenam Yoon's the 8th jongbu(종부) Gwangju Lee attempted to find her own unique identity, not the male-centered social order she had learned. Because she had to live a life outside the traditional environment of traditional society because her husband died at the beginning of her marriage. She perceived herself as an independent subject that she had to find and maintain. When Gwangju Lee married and came to the family of Haenam Yun, the economic power of jong-ga(종가) was much inclined. This economic difficulty was caused by the conflict with the slaves and the decrease of tallage(地代) to the change of the slavery system which was the social flow at that time. And uncles of her husband's intervention made the economic situation of the family more difficult. She established her position as a jongbu(종부) and used the right of Adoption option(입후권) of the jongbu(종부) to establish the impoverished family. She chose adoption from distant relatives who were not children of her husband's uncles. Therefore, I was free from her husband uncle's interests. She also believed that it was most important to take control of the economic interests of her family in order to secure her authority as a jongbu(종부). She believed that she had to exercise her economic rights in order to bring slave labor, which is the most important means of sustaining the domestic economy at the time, In the absence of her husband, she established her family in the social upheaval of the nineteenth century, and took her place as a master of a family, not just a family name.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.54
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• pp.387-416
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• 2014

This article explored the duplicity relation between the Daxue/Zhongyong of Confucianism and the Yonghobigyeol of Taoism, which was advocated by Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon, who was a Confucian scholar and the progenitor of Sundoism. The view of Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon was that the Confucian scriptures that contain the mind control method handed down from Confucius are Daxue, Zhongyong and Zhouyixicichuan (周易繫辭傳). His another view was that Zhuzi (朱子) intentionally did not expose the original object of Confucian mind control method in the interpretation of Sangangling (三綱領) of Daxuezhangju (大學章句) annotated by him, since he was invoked by the contemporary logic of Sung Period (宋代). Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon added a new annotation on Daxue Sangangling and tried to disclose the original object of Confucian mind control method through new interpretation by explaining the implied meaning of character '中' (zhong) of Zhongyong Yunzhijuezhong (允執厥中) by way of Iljungron (一中論). In addition to this new interpretation, Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon took the Yuanxiangfa (原象法), which Confucius compiled as the extract of Yijing (易經) from Zhouyixicichuan (周易繫辭傳), as the core of Confucian metaphysical philosophy study. He suggested Yuanxiangfa as a methodology to reach the ultimate target of study together with the Yonghobigyeol of Taoism and paid attention to the close relationship between the two. Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon verified the original object of Daxue by new interpretation on Daxue Sangangling, left an analytical thought on the consistency among Daxue, Zhongyong and Xicichuan (繫辭傳) and the study method of Igyohabil (異敎合一), where he integrated the principle of Taoism and Confucianism. Bongwoo Gwon Tae-hoon left a new topic to Korean world of thought, which is as important as the Seondanhosuron (禪丹互修論) of Cheonghaja Gwon Geuk-jung (靑霞子 權克中) in Joseon Period.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.50
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• pp.201-234
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• 2016

This thesis examined interpreting methodology of Do Won Lew Seung Kug(1923~2011) is based on the principle of Juhng-yaug. His lifelong academic aim was searching for the theory that enables global community to co-exist peacefully through humanitarianism that leads to reconciliation and mutual benefits. The research of the history of Korean thoughts provided him with the clue for his theory. According to Do Won, Korean thoughts pursue the Juhng-yaug's value of 'Yin and Yang accordance' rather than the I-Ching's value of 'suppress Yin and elevate Yang'. He furthermore asserts the concept of the middle (中), which harmonizes the two extremes by human beings as main agents, has been consistently observed from the action of divination during the ancient period through Juhng-yaug in the late 19th century. Do Won identifies 'human maturity that integrates the extremely conflicting insistences and values and seeks to be reconciled' as the basic character of Korean thoughts. He explains 'Hongikingan[弘益人間, becoming beneficial to the human world] is the idea that embraces the conflicting values symbolized by heaven and the earth. He also illuminates that Choe Chi Won(崔致遠)'s created Poongliu Do by integrating heterogeneity among Confucianism, Buddhim, and Daoism and it was attainable through the various works of mature human beings. Both Toe Gye' s philosophy of Ingeuk(人極, the Great Ultimate of Person) and the concept of Innaecheon(人乃天, Human Being right is Heaven) of Donghak are excellent examples of Humanitarianism that sublate two extremes. In Korea, the prototype of this thought has penetrated its entire history in the various circumstances of the period. The grand finale is Juhng-yaug of which the pursued values are 'Yin and Yang accordance' and mature humanitarianism revealed by the thoughts of the Person of the Central Ultimate (皇極人,至人) and Central Ultimate (皇極). Therefore, Humanitarianism in Korean thoughts clearly makes its appearance by the time of Juhng-yaug and it functions as a keyword to illuminate the entire history of Korean thoughts in reverse.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.37
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• pp.441-471
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• 2009

Both in the East and the West, the most classical question in political philosophy was 'what is truly a good life?' 'Good life' and 'good politics' are thus essentially tied together. Mencius (孟子, B.C385-303/302) was not exception to this belief. It is not an exaggeration that his Mencius, the treatise that encapsulates his whole views, begins and ends with good life and good politics. He began with new definitions of good life and politics and the rest elaborates why they are so. This paper attempts to systematically approach to what Mencius thinks as a good life in terms of political thoughts. Confucius, his intellectual mentor, asserted that the most humane human life is a civilized life and it means to realize the value of 'Yin (仁: Grace)' and thus set his good life from previous ones. Mencius concurred that Confucius's explication of the good life was right. Moreover, he argued that to realize this, political practice should follow. The 'good life' for Mencius consists of 1) the life in which the ruler does not monopolize joy but shares it with people, that is '$Y{\breve{o}}mindongrak$(與民同樂)' or '$Y{\breve{o}}minhaerak$(與民偕樂)' and 2) the life, based on this political foundation, that pursues the life of 'Five Ethics (五倫)' in which each individual member of society has its share in it. Mencius discussed about 'Four Virtues (四德)', the essential goodness of human, confirmed by 'Four Clues (四端)' to talk about the possibility of realizing the good life. On the other hand, he devised the political device of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$ (仁政: Gracious Politics)' as a practical tool for it. Furthermore, he asserted 'Good people theory (養民論)' as the first condition for the good politics, '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$' and 'Education of people theory (敎民論)' as the final one. As Mencius inherited Confucius effort for a good life with the theory of '$YinJ{\breve{o}}ng$', the so-called Zhuxi scholars inherited his as 'Sugichiin (修己治人: cultivate yourself and then order society)' after 1500.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.295-318
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• 2013

The purpose of this study was to define the 'caligraphy as a modern concept of art. For this purpose, it was necessary to exclude the elements betraying 'the caligraphy as a pure art' in reference to 'autonomy' as an indicator of modernity in order to reflect on the current topology of the caligraphy in our age. Checking the current conditions facing the caligraphy from the pre-modern, modern and post-modern perspectives will clarify the current topology of the caligraphy and further exploring 'the caligraphy as a post-modern art concept. To this end, this study defines the caligraphy 'as a pure formative art' and thereby discusses it in terms of nature and form. In terms of nature, the caligraphy should be subsumed into a spacial art, but it has a nature of a temporal art created and appreciated over time. Hence, among the spacial arts, the painting is most similar to the caligraphy, while among the temporal arts, the caligraphy is most similar to such rhythmic (of high mobility) or performing arts as music and dance. Merely, the painting does not reveal the flow of time on the canvas, while music and dance leave no residual in terms of audibility and visuality. All in all, the caligraphy is sort of 'temporal-spacial art' like dance in that the visible letters express the artist's sense of life on the plane over time like music. In terms of form, this study compares the caligraphy with engraving, wood print and character design to define the caligraphy as a pure art concept. The caligraphy as a modern art concept, namely, the autonomy of the caligraphy is associated with legibility and meaning in addition to the question whether it is an applied or a pure art. The legibility and meaning of the characters are not only the essential elements of the caligraphy but also are the factors limiting its autonomy, which must be a paradox. All in all, the legibility and meaning of the characters must be the key criteria for determining the caligraphy as a practical art or literary art or as a pure figurative art. In this context, this study discusses the caligraphy as a pure art by comparing it with the spatial art 'painting' and the temporal art 'music.' It might be impossible to define the caligraphy or a genre of art as an autonomous art of self-perfection and categorical identity. Moreover, any attempt to define the caligraphy would fail to interpret the caligraphy appropriately. Merely, we are obliged to position the caligraphy in the process of localizing 'their modernity' and thereby, discuss how to respond to their scheme.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.49
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• pp.187-223
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• 2012

This study is planned to research the ways and structue of Okdong's thinking, which are the foundation of his academic world, based on the collection of his literary pieces. This study became interested in Okdong Lee Seo because he with some strong stimulation and shock is considered as the turning point of his family's academic tradition. His family's academic tradition before Okdong had been famous for literatures of its members, such a tradition shifted toward Confucian classical studies. Especially, Okdong was the third elder brother of Seongho Lee Yik who represented the academia of the late Joseon period, and took an important role in forming Seongho's study. Okdong is considered to have built the basic structure of Seongho's study. It seems that in the process he transmitted their family's academic tradition whose focus got shifted from literature to Confucian classical studies. Thus, this study has the basic meaning as elucidation about the fundamental of Okdong's academic world. However, the larger meaning of this study is the verification of the fundamental structure of Seongho's study: Seongho's study stood on Okdong's study but overcame Okdong as an individual, and then became a academic standard of the late Joseon period. When the collection of Okdong's literary pieces is examined, it can be found that Okdong way of thinking rooted in the Confucian theory that human nature is originally good. Especially, Okdong maintained the li-qi dualism in which li and qi conflict against each other. For understanding and elucidating not-completely-good human mind, he understood li and qi within conflicting relationship. Okdong claimed that in order for a man to keep his life humane, the man should recover his moral completeness by cultivating his mind through sincerity and reverence. Okdong's goal was to build society and to realize human nature in accordance with the classical Confucian ideology of filial piety and respect and of loyalty and trust. Here lies the fundamental meaning of Okdong's way of thinking.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.62
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• pp.37-65
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• 2016

This paper is to explain who are the authors of first-half 18th Century private prose YeonHangRok(燕行錄) written in Chinese Character and what are interest-oriented aspects of that books. As objects of study, 3 private prose YeonHangRok(燕行錄) written by No-Ron Jeon -Ju Lee's Family(老論 全州李氏) were chosen. Result of reading articles in their anthology, I found their consciousness about going to Beijing. : They aware of "The importance of YeonHang(燕行)" and when they run a mission, they take an attitude of 'observation and attention' to their experience. With that consciousness of YeonHang(燕行) in common, So-jae(疎齋), Il-am (一菴) and Hanpojae(寒圃齋) wrote their YeonHangRok(燕行錄) that mainly describe their direct experience. So-jae(疎齋) and Hanpojae(寒圃齋)'s categories of descriptions are specialized in 'Public Affairs' and 'mission', Il-am(一菴) has widened to the everyday cultures and people of Other cultures.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.50
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• pp.89-120
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• 2013

The concept of virtue seems to be one of the rare cases where the European and the Chinese traditions coincide. The meaning of the Latin word virtus and of Greek $aret{\acute{e}}$ seems to be similar to the Chinese $d{\acute{e}}$德. Most striking in virtue is that it is a capacity for self-realisation through action which is unique to man. On the other hand, there is something physical about it. It is the strength to do something. This strength overcomes the resistance of what is naturally given, it transforms the world, turns the natural world into a human one. In the Chinese tradition, $d{\acute{e}}$ 德, i.e. virtue, is therefore always connected with $da{\grave{o}}$ 道, the totality of natural forces. In the Chinese tradition, as opposed to the European one, virtue is itself considered to be a natural force that is present in man. This force sustains man's connectedness, unity and harmony with the surrounding world. Things exist through the unity of principle理 and ether氣. But the knowledge of this unity is due to principle. Moral and legal norms are shifted totally to the sphere of principle. Therefore their have found the final dissolution from a heroic models. Above all the classical Confucians, but also the other schools, would reply to this that there is nothing more precise than a concrete successful action. Its result fits the world perfectly. The difference is due to the differing interest of ethical thought. In the case of the Confucians the path is more direct. The actor establishes a precise pattern for other actions. Education therefore lies in detailed knowledge about forms of behaviour, not so much in conceptual differentiation. It is quite possible that generalisation may be a methodical prerequisite for success in this endeavour. That problem, too, is discussed. But the success of conceptualisation lies in the successful performance of individual actions, not in shaping actions in accordance with normative concepts.