• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.298
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• pp.12-13
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• 2001

• The Korean Publising Journal, Monthly
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• s.231
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• pp.22-23
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• 1998

원형과 무의식의 상징성 등에 관한 관심은 점차 내면적으로 시선이 넓어지면서 조금씩 세분화되어갔다. 그것은 어쩌면 샤머니즘 내지 무속신앙이 지닌 복합성이 절로 초래한 것인지 모른다. 굿판을 얼찐대다 보면 신명.원한 같은 한국인다운 심성의 깊으나 깊은 층에 가라앉게 된다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.73-100
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• 2009

This article is considered how to utilize mime in the mudang gut. Actually, mime can't be the crux of mudang gut, and the only factors of mime is utilized. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to draw another nets of meanings in Mudang gut, not to study mime. First of all, I surveyed the constituent factors of mudang gut. One gutpan is combined with various factors. As a shamans(mudang), a musician, a jang gu player, a gongyangju(taking charge of food), a sibongja(helper for a shaman), and madangsoe (an under servant), they played their roles. The gut consists of equipment, food, clothes, music and dance. Next, I derived two nets of meaning out of considering a mudang gut performance of mudang (shaman). First, god in a general gutgeori appears expressing their existence by using mime with the music. Second, the following god appears expressing themselves using only mime without music. After showing who he is through action and facial expression, he continues to play a gut. Accordingly, mime of seoul gutpan plays a role to reveal the existence of god. Also, I divided the way of performing mudang gut into language performance and motions and then suggested that mime was mainly used in the motions. I surveyed a gutgeori using mime in the concrete. Through this, I suggested that the shaman used mime, when sending a deadman to the next world in a Jinogi gut. I suggested that mime was utilized repeatedly at the process of repelling the misfortune in a jaesu gut.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.94-120
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• 2010

This Studies interpret Kim Ki-duk's film in terms of shamanistic world views. In this studies, the ritual properties of Kim Ki-duk's film were trying to reveal. To do this, Kim Ki-duk's entire 14 works were analysed. Specifically, shamanistic characters, their actions, themes, ways of storytelling, mis-en-scenes, and visual settings were focused on. The results show, fantastic and ritual properties were represented directly and the very archetypes of Korean cultural shamanistic symbols were embedded in his films. Shamanistic symbols and narratives in Kim Ki-duk's films were related to the main themes of harmony between suppressing men and suffered women. This symbols and narratives could be interpreted through the sacrifices of characters, exorcistic behaviors, expressions of death etc. In the long run, as visionary or anti-realistic author, Kim Ki-duk has been performing shamanistic ceremonies(in Korean "Gut") with his whole works. With these findings, processes from preparations to completions of Gut-Pan (Shamanistic ceremony) in Kim Ki-Duk's works were tried to reconstruct.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.309-338
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• 2010

This article is about seeking for modern festival possibility of Mudang gut with noticing a festival essence of it. Several components and process of performing Maeul gut can be a festival. But the recent condition of gut pan obstructs becoming a festival. Above of all, distorted eyes on Mudang gut deny a festivity. Transition into seeking for private fortune and the duplicity of concealing a Mudang gut have weakened a festivity of Mudang gut. Maeul gut becomes a ceremony with unequal distribution of support fund and the support fund on intangible cultural assets. Therefore, we should consider Mudang gut as a game. People need to change their preception as a performance that people can actively take part in. Mudang gut need a active participants not bystanders. When people consider them selves as actors, Mudang gut will be a festival.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.441-471
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• 2018

East Coast Gut, Korean shamanism ritual on its east coastal area, is a Gut held in fishing villages alongside Korean east coastal area from Goseong area in Gangwon-Do to Busan area. East Coast Gut is performed in a series mainly by a successor shaman, Korean shaman, who hasn't received any spiritual power from a God, and the implications of this thesis lie in that we look over the learning aspects of Seokchool Kim shaman group among other East Coast Gut successor shaman groups after dividing it into 2 categories, successor shaman and learner shaman and based upon this, we reveal the meaning of the learning aspects of East Coast Gut. For successor shamans, home means the field of education. Since they are little, they chased Gut events performing dance in a series to accumulate onsite experiences. However, in the families of successor shamans that have passed their shaman work down from generation to generation, their descendents didn't inherit shaman work any longer, which changed the way of succession and learning of shaman work. Since 1980's, Gut has been officially acknowledged as a kind of general art embracing songs, dance and music and designated as a cultural asset of the state and each city and province, and at art universities, it was adopted as a required course for its related major, which caused new learner shamans who majored in shamanism to emerge. These learner shamans are taking systematical succession lessons on the performance skills of East Coast Byeolshin Gut at universities, East Coast Byeolshin Gut preservation community, any places where Guts are held and etc.. As changes along time, the successor shamans accepted the learner shamans to pass shaman work down and changes appeared in the notion of towners who accept the performer groups of Gut and Gut itself. Unlike the past, as Gut has been acknowledged as the origin of Korean traditional arts and as the product of compresensive learning on songs, dance and music and it was designated as a national intangible cultural asset, shaman's social status and personal pride and dignity has become very high. As shaman has become positioned as the traditional artist getting both national and international recognition unlike its past image of getting despised, at the site of Gut event or even in the relation with towners, their status and the treatment they get became far different. Even towners, along with shift in shaman groups' generation, take position to acknowledge and accept the addition of new learning elements unlike the past. Even in every town, rather than just insisting on the type or the event purpose of traditional Gut, they think over on the type of festival and the main direction of a variety of Guts with which all of towners can mingle with each other. They are trying to find new meanings in the trend of changing Gut and the adaptation of new generation to this. In our reality of Gut events getting minimalized along with rapid change of times, East Coast Gut is still very actively performed in a series until now compared to Guts in other regions. This is because following the successor shamans who have struggled to preserve the East Coast Gut, the learner shamans are actively inflowing and the series performance groups preserve the origin of Gut and try hard to use Gut as art contents. Besides, the learner shamans systematically organize what they learned on shamanism from the successor shamans and get prepared and try to hand it down to descendents in the closest possible way to preserve its origin. In the future, East Coast Gut will be succeeded by the learner shamans from the last successor shamans to inherit its tradition and develop it to adapt to the times.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.34
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• pp.215-240
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• 2017

This paper reviewed the aspects of using Seoul gut and Hwanghaedo gut, which are gangshingut(exorcism by possessed shamans), and Gyeonggidodanggut and Southern coast byeolshingut, which are seseupmugut(exorcism by hereditary shamans), and based on that, examined the universality of using beats of mudanggut. This study should have examined the use of beats in donghaeangut and honamgut and it was the limitation of this paper. While it examined the universality and mentioned several cases of donghaeangut, this paper will have a clearer point when it studies the use of beats in donghaeangut. Through the process, this study tried to present that though the groups and aspects of performance differ from region to region, the universal principle may be the same. The beats used in gut of different regions have clearly different systems. Depending on performers and ways of performance, different beats are used. As for the system of beats, the name of beats and composition has uniqueness but there are similarities when compared to gut of other regions. In this paper, this was called universality. It means that there are significant differences in the composition of shaman songs, ways of performance, and use of beats but the system of beats is the same. Different aspects of using beats depending on performers are also regional universality. In Seoul gut, the use of beats is different depending on whether a janggujaebi performs gut in the sitting position, singing shamanistic songs or a shaman performs gut in the standing position. Gyeonggidodanggut is representative when it comes to the use of beats being clearly distinguished depending on performers. Beats differ depending on whether the performer is Miji or Sani. Also it is common that through the use of beats they convey the significance of performing shaman songs. It is found in the gut of all areas to express the meaning of cheongshin and oshin and this is seen more conspicuously when expressing some beats are closely related to the status of spirits. In Seoul gut, as the name sangsanjangdan and byeolsangjangdan show, the name of spirits are used as the name of beats and gut of all regions express the significance of expelling spirits through the use of beats. It means that ways of performance differ depending on regions, but there is an awareness of spirits, the main agent of gut. Though seseupmugut has weaker awareness than gangshingut and there are not various factors of performance that show divine power, the use of beats reveal that there is awareness about spirits.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.