• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.343-372
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• 2020

This study is about the variation types, techniques and live performance of the East Sea Coast Shamanism Gutgury rhythm. This study looks over the East Sea Coast Byeolsingut entertainment holder, Kim Yongtaek's variation and performance types to find the factors for the difference between his Gutguri rhythm performance and Gutguri rhythm performed from other genres. East Sea Coast Shamanism Gutguri rhythms have more variable types than itself from other genres, and use unique techniques. This paper is a study on how these variation types and unique techniques are used in live performance to manage impromptu variation rhythms.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.19
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• pp.35-60
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• 2009

I insisted that the structure should be set newly, pointing out problems in a structure of the big gut, Jain dano je in this paper. Although, the big gut is playing now in Jain dano je, the features of gut geo-ri are vague ; that's why gut geo-ri and performances are entangled. Therefore, the gut geori showing strange structures not fitted with korean shamanist custom is playing these days like Pawangbyeolhui and Eoudong geori. The detailed procedure is also awkward. It is mixed with aspects of shaman custom in each region, instead showing features of regions. What's more, it became a dance drama, not gut geo-ri with several shamans dancing in a gut. Overcoming these problems, the big gut will be a cultural asset. Therefore, when considering the structure of korean gut, we will fit the order of gut geo-ri into the system of divine spirits keeping a plot-opening, developing and closing. It should be a gut geori-oriented play with only gut geo-ri things. Gut should be gone forward main shaman-oriented gut, setting up a main shaman who takes charge of each gut geo-ri. We should find out a new shaman who knows gut of Gyeong sang province well, if shaman who now takes charge of it has a problem. The big gut of Jain dano je became a part of intangible cultural assets. The performance is not a subject of curiosity and people's interests any more as it was in a past. It should be a traditional performance of representing our traditional culture. We should reorganize an epochal gut geo-ri after reexamining gut geo-ri which has played so far.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.73-100
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• 2009

This article is considered how to utilize mime in the mudang gut. Actually, mime can't be the crux of mudang gut, and the only factors of mime is utilized. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to draw another nets of meanings in Mudang gut, not to study mime. First of all, I surveyed the constituent factors of mudang gut. One gutpan is combined with various factors. As a shamans(mudang), a musician, a jang gu player, a gongyangju(taking charge of food), a sibongja(helper for a shaman), and madangsoe (an under servant), they played their roles. The gut consists of equipment, food, clothes, music and dance. Next, I derived two nets of meaning out of considering a mudang gut performance of mudang (shaman). First, god in a general gutgeori appears expressing their existence by using mime with the music. Second, the following god appears expressing themselves using only mime without music. After showing who he is through action and facial expression, he continues to play a gut. Accordingly, mime of seoul gutpan plays a role to reveal the existence of god. Also, I divided the way of performing mudang gut into language performance and motions and then suggested that mime was mainly used in the motions. I surveyed a gutgeori using mime in the concrete. Through this, I suggested that the shaman used mime, when sending a deadman to the next world in a Jinogi gut. I suggested that mime was utilized repeatedly at the process of repelling the misfortune in a jaesu gut.

• The Science & Technology
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• v.20 no.10 s.221
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• pp.56-58
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• 1987

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.33
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• pp.97-128
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• 2016

According to the findings of the study, the music composition of the mask play is deeply related to the main characteristics of the scene. The first scene of the play starts with the Byeoksa dance. This particular dance part represents the evil spirit expel ritual. The instrumental accompaniment like and are played for the dance. The last part of the play starts with the Halmi and Yeonggam scene. This scene is played in both the instrumental and vocal music. For the instrumental part , for the vocal part and songs are played. and songs are played on the part of the Halmi's funeral ceremony scene. The instrumental and are played in various scenes for the accompaniment of the dance part. The musical structure of the mask play is flexible. This kind of flexibility of scene structure mainly concerned with the way of musical composition. The main structure of the mask play can be classified into two main styles according to the allocation of the vocal music. In first style, the vocal music is evenly dispersed. In second style, the vocal parts are concentrated in the rear section. As I mentioned earlier, no logical association is found in the matter of the scene arrangement. A scene arrangement has a deep connection with the arrangement of the music in each scene. In conclusion, the mixed arrangement of the scene in mask play is mainly concerned with the matter of the music arrangement in order to maintain the tension of the drama.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.749-774
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• 2019

In the situation where the interest of the academics related to the Hyangje Samhyunyukgak is increasing, the task of identifying the identity of the Hyangje Samhyunyukgak should precede. In this paper, we will discuss the characteristics of the Hyangje Samhyunyukgak distinguished from the court style Samhyunyukgak. First, we will discuss the characteristics of instrument organization. In the form of the Hyangje Samhyunyukgak, the composition of the musical instrument is flexible. Depending on circumstances such as the geographic region or the composition of the player, the set of instruments were added or reduced. The second part relates to composition of music. Among the various pieces of music, a piece of music to be selected in a specific situation is music pieces related to the use of the piece of music in depth. In this phenomenon, the music with the greatest change is Geosangak(거상악). The music played as Geosangak repertoire showed various musical pieces that are related to various situations in different regions. Finally, I would like to discuss the problems related to the origins of Hyangje Samhyunyukgak music. Compared to the songs of Ginyeombul(긴염불), Gutgeori(굿거리), and Taryeong(타령), it is difficult to totally exclude the relationship from the local music genre. And I could guess that such a common denominator was closely related to the Jangdan.

• Fashion & Textile Research Journal
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.588-594
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• 2016

The outer clothing of shaman that are put on while performing current gutgeori is lacking in form and composition, diversified with kinds. Above all, name of shaman clothing is not unified, accordingly, there's a big difference from traditional Gutgeori, which was definitely divided in the role of outer clothing of shaman in respect of function and role of Gutgeori. Here, this research attended a site that performed Gutgeori based on the advanced literature research data research and analyzed the state and name of outer clothing by conducting a survey and interview investigation. Survey was conducted during 2 years from 2014 to 2015 classifying Gutgeori of Seoul, Gyeongsang, Honam, Jeju, Chungcheon. Research results are as follows. First, lots of outer clothes were put on along with shamanism type in Seoul, accordingly, names were diversified. Name of outer clothing was not unified by focusing on level of divinity or behavior of Gutgeori, with no consistency being mixed. Second, name was not consistent even the outer clothing of the same type shaman along with the region, sometimes put on in different meaning, accordingly, called in different name. Combination of such name of shaman is determined to be a big reason of lack of accurate information on shaman clothing and genealogy of name of shaman clothing in shamans, as the initial research on shamanism was conducted by folklorists in advance.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.349-383
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• 2019

This discussion is focused on Donghaeanbyulsingut's 'gutchum-pan to pray'. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is repeated in almost all of the geori in Byulsingut, so it is a crucial chum-pan that can never be disregarded in understanding Byulsingutchum. Meanwhile, it supposes that Donghaeanbyulsingut is grounded on the activity of producing 'praying (words) and dance (motions)' within its relationship with the structure of capitalistic society along with the context of traditional rituals. The motion that is newly generated as a response to the concrete expression of 'praying' conducted by a mudang (a shaman), that is, the expression coming from the inside associated with the praying is seen as gutchum. This dance is bound to be in competition and interest among shaman groups, and they tend to influence one another. If praying leads to dance, a mudang can gain profits from capital as well as the value of labor. When the mudang succeeds in forming a bigger bond of sympathy with her praying, the object of praying gets more eager to select byulbi and dances a heoteunchum (impromptu dance) more vigorously. This means that a mudang's ability to perform a ritual is associated with the object of praying's consumption. With his impromptu motions, the object of praying comes to go into 'the field of consumption' within the structure of capitalistic competition before he is aware of it. Behind the communication that praying leads to dance, a lot of things are associated with one another organically. 'Gutchum-pan to pray' is generated by the continuous movement of diversity and unity that the time has within the ritual of the mudang and the object of praying. It continues to create the future 'self' that is different from the present 'self', and it means that he expects variability from the present 'self' through 'gutchum-pan to pray'. The mudang also prays for him arranging the variability of the other (the object of praying) inside her labor. In a big picture, of course, the mudang expects the variability of herself, too, which is connected to the value of her labor. The variability that they expect forms a crucial axis that determines where the flow of time and space that the 'gutchum-pan to pray' has is directed to. The contents of praying are directly related with the villagers' lives, and what leads to dance is mostly related with their jobs. This implies that what the mudang experiences in her everyday consuming activity is directly associated with the villagers' activity for earning money. In other words, the contents of that praying change constantly according to the flow of capitalistic economy. Also, those striving to respond to it before anyone else also expect better life for them by substituting their self to the 'gutchum-pan to pray' eagerly. If so, who are the ones that generate 'gutchum-pan to pray'? This can be understood through relationship among mudangs, relationship between the mudang and villagers, and also relationship among villagers. Their relationships can never be free from the concepts like labor in capitalistic society, consumption and expenditure, or time; therefore, they come to compete with the other, the present self, or the better self within the diverse relationships. This gets to be expressed in any ways, words or motions. And the range that covers the creation of either group or individual 'gutchum-pan to pray' in the village is the village community. Outside the range, it is upsized to the competition of the village unit, so individual praying may become diminished more easily. Although mudangs pray in each geori, it does not mean all praying leads to dance. Within various relationships between mudangs and villagers, 'gutchum-pan to pray' comes to be generated, repeated, and extinct. As it is mitigated to more positive competition, it does not lead to gutchum any longer. In other words, repeating 'gutchum-pan to pray' previously created has turned the object of praying into the state different from the former. Also, the two groups both have experienced the last step of Byulsingut, and at that point, praying does no longer lead to dance. In other words, from the position of the shaman group, it is the finish of their labor time and ritual performance, and from the perspective of the villagers, it means the finish of consuming activity and participation in a ritual. The characteristics of 'gutchum-pan to pray' can be summarized as follows. First, it goes through the following process: competition in the village group → competition in the group → competition among individuals. Second, repeated praying does not lead to 'gutchum'. Third, in the cases of praying for each of the occupation groups, the mudang can induce a bond of sympathy from the objects of praying directly, and this lead to dance. Fourth, the group that fails in being included in the category of praying gets to be alienated from 'gutchum-pan to pray' repeatedly.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.385-421
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• 2019

Ulsan Dutbeki, naturally transmitted by customs, is almost disappearing in the rapidly changing environment of modern society. Therefore, this study, for the purpose of its inheritance, investigated how to teach the basic movements of Dutbeki through the lessons. The subject were mainly composed of the person who met Ulsan Dutbeki for the first time. The curriculum is, at first, the preparation of body and mind to learn Ulsan Dutbeki. And the lessons about movement were in the order of progress of education, Dutbeki to the beat of Gutgeori, and Dutbeki to the beat of Jajinmori. The next step was to learn the dancing by connecting movements. This process is a way for beginners to inherit Ulsan Dutbeki in a classroom which has a limited time and space. The reason for studying how to teach Ulsan Dutbeki dance is for the purpose of transmitting the intangible culture to the ordinary citizens in the reality that people are under cutting off from inheriting the dance which had been transmitted by customs in the past. The performance of this study is to examine the way to teach basic movements with a view to protect Dutbeki, Ulsan's intangible culture, and pass it on to citizens.