• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.2
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• pp.245-271
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• 2017

The purpose of this study is to examine and assess the major characteristics and changes of politics, economy, and diplomacy in Thailand in 2016. Specifically, it reviewed the New Constitution that was passed in 2016, the confrontation between different political forces and the trend of military regime around the New Constitution, and the political instability caused by the accession of the new king to the throne. This study also set out to figure out changes to the economy and foreign relations of the country, including its relations with South Korea, under the military regime and make predictions for the impact and future prospects of King Bhumibol Adulyadej's death on the politics and economy of the country. In 2016, the politics of Thailand took a step further toward the transfer of power to civil government and established a foundation for an authoritarian system. The draft of the New Constitution, which does not seem to be democratic, was approved by a referendum and enabled the military authorities to continue their political interventions, even after the general election. The New Constitution, in particular, reduces the power of political parties itself in addition to simply keeping the Thaksin's party in check; thus, anticipating ongoing conflicts between the military authorities and political parties. In this situation, the absence of King Bhumibol Adulyadej, who used to play a decisive role in promoting the political stability of the country, and the accession of the new king to the throne raise concerns about the acceleration of political instability, which has continued after the coup and influenced the diplomatic relations of the country. Today, Thailand is distancing itself from Western nations that do not recognize the current military regime including the U.S.A. and EU member states and instead maintains a rapidly friendly and close relation with China. In 2016, the economy of Thailand made a gradual recovery rather than high growth. The death of King Bhumibol Adulyadej has exerted limited direct economic impacts only on individual consumption and tourism and is not likely to cause a recession. An economic crisis will, however, be unavoidable if the political confrontations escalate before the general election to transfer power to the civil government.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.53-94
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• 2017

Thai political regime is said to have returned to bureaucratic polity or semi-democracy. However this kind of perspective do not find the political interference of Privy Council which is a body of Monarch of Thailand. Therefore this paper tries to discover the unique traits of Thai way of constitutional monarchy which can be defined as the modern form of absolute monarchy. In short Thai way of constitutional monarchy based on network politics is contradictary to the normal constitutional monarchy whose norm is "the king reigns, but does not rule." This means Thai king is in politics not above politics in reality. Thai monarchy has interfered in diversive way in terms of mediating political conflicts and protecting the monarchy as a institution. In this process the king has been worshiped as demigod who practises the Buddhist doctrine and the centre of national integration. Even after the 6 Ocober 1976 massacre which the palace involved King Bhumibol Adulyadej's sacred position was not challenged. Rather $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law became more draconian for status quo. Since then $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ was cited as one of the major rationale for the military coup. The 2006 coup which was triggered by the clash between network Monarchy and bourgeois polity based on Thakin network marked a surge of the $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ cases. The 2014 coup had consecutively increased the number of $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ prisoners. It can be said that the modern form of absolute monarchy in Thailand including bureaucratic polity, semi-democracy and democracy is bounded by $l{\grave{e}}se-majest{\acute{e}}$ law which network monarchy players such as military, intellectuals, Democrat Party and even some civil society groups support.

• Proceedings of the Korean Institute of Electrical and Electronic Material Engineers Conference
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• 2009.06a
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• pp.208-208
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• 2009

최근 광섬유 센서기술의 수요는 전 산업분야에 걸쳐 높아지고 있으며, 이에 비례하여 기업 간, 국가 간 경쟁이 첨예화되고 있다. 또한 소형화, 경량화, 고성능화 센서에 대한 요구도 높아지고 있어 종래의 각종 센서들의 형태와 개선을 위한 연구개발이 매우 활발하게 전개되고 있으므로 이를 대체할 수 있는 광섬유 센서의 수요가 급격히 늘어날 전망이다. 기존 침입자 감지 시스템은 태풍, 낙뢰, 폭설, 폭우 등의 기상변화나 지반 흔들림, 통행차량 진동 및 전자기 간섭 등에 영향을 받아 오작동, 오경보가 빈번히 발생된다. 이러한 문제의 해결책으로 광섬유 센서 케이블을 이용한 시스템이 대안으로 부각되고 있다. 현재 국내에서 군부대, 공항을 중심으로 펜스와 휴전선 철책에 힘입자 감지를 위하여 도입되고 있다. 광섬유 센서 케이블을 사용하는 광망경비시스템은 광섬유 센서 케이블을 그물망 형태(광망)로 만들어 경계 지역에 설치된다. 광망경비시스템의 원리는 광섬유에 광펄스를 입사시켜 순환시키는데 침입자가 광망을 절단하거나 외력을 가할 경우 발생되는 레일리 산란에 기인하는 후방산란과 접속점과 파단점에서 생기는 반사광을 OTDR(Optical Time Domain Reflectometer)로 검출하여 침입상황 및 침입위치를 탐지한다. 그러나 이러한 침입자 감지를 위한 광망경비시스템의 핵심부품인 광섬유 센서 케이블은 기존에 전량 해외수입에 의존하고 있는 실정이며, 지금까지 국내에서 생산하기 위한 제작 기술과 노하우가 초보단계에 머물러 있다. 이러한 광섬유 센서 케이블 제작에 있어서 중요한 부분이 패키징 기술이라 할 수 있다. 이는 광섬유 센서를 일반적인 피복 구조로 패키징하게 되면, 센서 고유의 특성이 패키징 과정과 운반과정, 포설과정에서 변하게 되고 센서로써의 신뢰성이 크게 저하된다. 본 연구에서는 힘입자 감지용 광섬유 센서 케이블의 설계와 제작을 위한 제조공법을 확립하고, 이를 이용해 제작된 광섬유 센서 케이블의 신뢰성 특성을 평가하였다. 설계 제작된 광섬유 센서 케이블의 구조는 멀티모드광섬유(MMF) 에 0.9 mm Tight buffer를 코팅하고, 광심선 주위에 아라미드 얀을 삽입시킨 후 고문자 수지를 적용하여 외부 피복 (jacket)을 하였다. 제작된 광섬유 센서 케이블의 외경 측정결과 기준치 ($2.95\;{\pm}\;0.03$ mm)를 모두 만족하였고, 850 nm 파장에서의 광 손실 측정 결과 4.0 dB/km 이하였다. 또한 주요 항목의 신뢰성 특성 시험결과, 인장강도는 8~10 kg의 인장력을 갖으며 온도순환시험 ($-30^{\circ}C\;{\sim}\;+75^{\circ}C$)에서의 광 손실은 0.6 dB 이하로 나타나 침입자 감지용 광섬유 센서 케이블로 적합함을 확인할 수 있었다.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.55-86
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• 2015

This paper aims to interrogate the layered and dependent structure of the modern and official document management in Korea and Japan from 1894 to 1910. The focus of its study is on documents related with the strategic infrastructure construction in Jeonbuk Province through an analysis from the perspective of historic archival studies. For this study, the chosen period was when Japanese imperialists were on their way to seize the Korean official archival system. As such, our objects are the documents connected with the institution of the Japanese resident-general system in Korea and its infrastructural constructions as part of Japan's war plans of invading the continent. Among others, we examined the documents of the strategic infrastructure construction around Jeonju in Jeonbuk Province by Imperial Japan, in order to wage the Sino-Japanese War and subdue the Donghak Peasant Revolution. More specifically, we illuminate the sources and organization of the approval of the original documents in a higher level that is relevant to the determination of political, financial, and personnel matters, which were designed for the Japanese governmental rule over Korea from the era of the Gabo Reform to the period of the Japanese resident-generals, as well as analyze the actual states of the official documents ina lower level, which were drawn up by Korean government and the resident-general. Consequently, this paper suggests that official Korean archival system at this time must be understood under the context of a layered and dependent structure within the vertical connections between Korea and Japan, and not from the point of view of a national history.

• The Journal of the Korea institute of electronic communication sciences
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• v.7 no.3
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• pp.633-648
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• 2012

When the military before this study, soldiers and local people are dissatisfied with the elements, which satisfy the element that satisfies both parties to find out what could be the previous business that tries to propose measures to the Department of Defense. The results are as follows. First units on the previous business for the difference between soldiers and residents' satisfaction is as follows. Soldiers (3.75), the accountability (4.11) and effort, while important castle residents (3.33) the adequacy (3.64) and communication is of paramount importance in the satisfaction level of availability to be analyzed. Second, the relocation of troops on the Male and Female satisfaction on the differences are as follows. For men, military men (3.73) and accountability efforts, residents (3.40) the adequacy and availability critical deadlines while communicating the case of a woman soldier woman (3.85) the adequacy and close human relationship, social security (3.30) interest on the accountability and communication many to be analyzed. Third Position: Occupational differences in satisfaction are as follows: If a soldier's professionalism and accountability, and conflict from the outset of the adequacy of the officers, while the lowest was from the outset. If the efforts of residents and farmers who emphasize the responsibility and the least amount of conflict, while owners and tenants, operating the adequacy that were relatively important.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.65 no.2
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• pp.255-285
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• 2013

The aim of this study is to demonstrate how Self-Sufficiency Promotion Centers (SSP Centers) run by social movement groups have struggled to defend their voluntary identities in conflict with SSP Centers operated by professional social welfare centers. Since political democratization, social movement groups have been increasing invited to run frontline public welfare agencies in South Korea, and Self-Sufficiency Program is one of the representative policies in which social movement groups have actively partaked. But many critical scholars have warned that such institutionalization of social movements into social welfare system is likely to dampen their voluntary nature and force them to render their hegemonic power to professional social welfare institutions. In contrast to the critical viewpoint, however, this study unveils how social movement-based SSP Centers have strived to tackle the professionalization pressure by deploying various survival strategies at the micro level. Through a historical discourse analysis on the frontline conflicts between social movement-based and social welfare-based SSP Centers, this study contends that social movement groups in Self-Sufficiency Program can still maintain their traditional spirit despite the obvious professionalization phenomenon.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society of Soil and Groundwater Environment Conference
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• 2003.10a
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• pp.1-11
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• 2003

The objectives of this paper are to overview present status of soil pollution in Korea, to review the current policies and management strategies for soil pollution prevention and remediation of contaminated sites, and to suggest some recommendations to be considered toward more efficient policies. Soils in Korea are contaminated mainly by industrial facilities, landfills, underground storage tanks, abandoned/inactive mines, military camps, and other sources. Concentrations of most of soil pollutants were similar to the background levels, except for a few heavily contaminated sites such as industrial sites or abandoned/inactive mines. The Soil Environment Conservation Act (SECA), which was effective from 1995, provides a comprehensive legal framework for both preventing soil pollution and remedying contaminated sites in Korea. The Act includes various management policies such as the designation of standards and soil pollution policy area, soil monitoring networks, management of suspected contamination sources, and extended 'polluter-pays' principle. To make current policies more efficient and reasonable, some policies or strategies such as the establishment of national priority list, more detailed standards, risk-based cleanup goal, fund raise, soil erosion problem, and finally, integrity between soil and groundwater management frameworks may need to be pursued in the long term.

• Journal of the Society of Disaster Information
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• v.13 no.2
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• pp.163-172
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• 2017

Because of abnormal weather, a heavy snow on the Northern latitudes occurs frequently. This has resulted in significant damage and recovery costs. In korea, it has been declared a special disaster area due to heavy snowfall in Gangneung and Pohang 2004, 2005 and 2011, so there was a revision of action instruction for the road snow removal. Although, in our current system, snow removing methodology, regional equipment holdings, and snow responsible interval, respectively, has been classified by the National Highway, near cities and provinces support system not yet prepared. Only, if snow removing is not possible within the region itself, which contained the contents of "support and assistance to military or nearby offices requests". In this thesis, we studied the disaster scenario development according to heavy snow and the response and support system to the features of each regional. For the scenario deduction, we preferentially collected day snowfall and disaster yearbook data to regionals, classified similar pattern and plotted GIS snow map. We also classified heavy snow disaster by region and type and we deduced five-step scenario. The five-step scenario is nationwide(1st-stage), the National Capital region(2nd-stage), the Chungcheong Provinces(3rd-stage), the Kangwon province(4th-stage) and the Ch?l a provinces(5th-stage). Therefore we build near provinces support system according to five-step scenario.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.63
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• pp.53-75
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• 2013

This study looks into Dooriban movement, which problematizes the ways in which social movements are carried out in everyday settings in modern Korea. Contrary to traditional social movements, Dooriban movement led by active/independent participants -who are locally situated and culturally sensitized- showed a new way of engaging with political power. Making use of qualitative methodology such as in-depth interviews and participant observation, this research examines the implications of emergent cultural practices that redefine and reconfigure the working mechanisms of social movements in Korea today.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.45-54
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• 2016

The purpose of this article was to not only review historically the growth and development of dancesport, to but also seek to inform the value and prospect of dancesport in Korea. To achieve the purpose of the paper, the result of this article was framed into four time periods for a historical review of Korean dancesport growth and development: the late 1880s - the mid 1940s, the late 1940s - the late 1980s, 1990s and 2000s onwards. First, the first period was from the late 1880s to the mid 1940s when the nation accepted a social dance and western dance and tradition especially in upper-class Korean society. Second, the second period was from the late 1940s to the late 1980s when social dances (or ballroom dance) were suppressed under the military-based regime. The most likely explanation for this was a tradition that Korea society consider distinction between the sexes as a virtue. Third, third period was the 1990s when the social dance (ballroom dance) was developed officially into dancesport. Actually, the 1990s saw the sport built up a positive image while a negative image was portrayed by the military-based government. Fourth, the fourth period was the 2000s onwards when the sport has been developed as a sport and culture in a sound and systematic manner. Indeed, the sport has come to meet the public tastes.