• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.54-77
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• 2020

Produced during the Goryeo period (718-1392), the statue of the monk Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple in Hapcheon is almost life-size, with a height of 82.4 cm, a width of 66.6 cm at the knees, and a maximum width of 44 cm at the torso (front and back). Notably, it is the only known example of an East Asian Buddhist sculpture made from wood and dry lacquer that was formed by joining the front and back halves. However, a similar technique was used on a dry lacquer statue of the Medicine Buddha at Cheongnyangsa Temple in Bonghwa, which is estimated to date from the late Goryeo or early Joseon period. As such, this technique is thought to represent this particular time period. In an eighteenth-century travelogue about a trip to Mt. Gayasan, the author describes a sculpture that is believed to be the statue of Huirang Daesa at Haeinsa Temple, based on various unique features that closely correspond to the sculpture's current appearance. For example, the sculpture is said to have a hole in the chest and rough, knobby tendons and bones, two features that can still be seen today. Another sculpture of a Buddhist monk who was active in the western regions during the third and fourth century also has a hole in the chest, which is said to be a symbol of spiritual strength. The travelogue also states that the statue was lacquered black at the time, which means that it must have been painted with its present colors some time in the nineteenth century. Over time, the sculpture has been enshrined in various halls of Haeinsa Temple, including Haehaengdang, Jinsangjeon, and later Josajeon (Hall of the Patriarchs), and Bojangjeon. Records show that images of Buddhist monks, or "seungsang," were produced in Korea as early as the Three Kingdoms period (18 BCE-660 CE), but few of these works have survived. At present, only four such sculptures are extant, including the images of Huirang Daesa from the Goryeo period, and those of Monk Naong and Uisang Daesa from the Joseon period. Of these, the sculpture of Huirang Daesa has special significance for its early production date (i.e., CE. tenth century), outstanding production techniques, and superb artistic quality, realistically capturing both the external appearance and internal character of the subject. The tradition of producing, sanctifying, and worshipping statues of monks was prevalent not only in Korea, but also in China and Japan. However, each country developed its own preferred materials and techniques for producing these unique images. For example, while China has a large number of mummified Buddhist images (yuksinbul), Japan produced diverse images with various materials (e.g., dry lacquer, wood, clay) according to period. But despite the differences in materials and techniques, the three nations shared the same fundamental purpose of expressing and honoring the inherent spirituality of the monks.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.130-153
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• 2020

Using stylistic analysis and historical documents, this paper examines the production details of images enshrined in Myeongbujeon (Hall of the Underworld) at Magoksa Temple in Gongju, focusing on the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva and the stone Ten Kings of Hell. Inside Myeongbujeon, the wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is placed at the center, flanked by standing images of Mudokgwiwang and Domyeong-jonja, with images of the Ten Kings and their attendants along the walls. All of these images were transferred to Magoksa Temple in the latter half of the 1930s. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva came from Jeonghyesa Temple in Cheongyang, the other sculptures came from Sinheungsa Temple in Imsil, and a painting of the Ten Kings came from Jeongtosa Temple in Nonsan. The wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva is known to have been produced in 1677, around the same time as the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings. A close analysis of the details of the bodhisattva sculpture-including the facial features, body proportions, and drapery characteristics-strongly suggests that it was produced in the 1620s or 1630s by the monk sculptor Suyeon (who was active in the early half of the seventeenth century) or his disciples. In particular, the rendering of the drapery on the lower half of the body closely resembles Buddhist sculptures produced by Suyeon that are now enshrined at Bongseosa Temple in Seocheon (produced in 1619) and at Sungnimsa Temple in Iksan (produced at Bocheonsa Temple in Okgu in 1634). According to the votive inscription, the stone sculptures of the Ten Kings and their attendants were produced in 1677 under the supervision of the monk sculptor Seongil. However, these are the only known Buddhist images produced under Seongil, and no details about other monks involved in the production have ever been found, making it difficult to speculate about their lineage. Historical records do suggest that Seongil worked on other projects to produce or repair sculptures with disciples of the monk sculptors Hyehi or Unhye, indicating amicable relations between the two groups. Unlike most such images in the Honam or Yeongseo regions, the Ten Kings at Magoksa Temple are made from stone, rather than wood or clay. Also, the overall form and the drapery conform to statues of the Ten Kings that were popularly produced in the Yeongnam region. Thus, the images are believed to be the work of monks who were primarily active in Yeongnam, rather than Honam. In the future, a systematic investigation of wooden seated Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva images and stone Ten Kings of Hell images produced in the Chungnam region could illuminate more details about the production of the images at Magoksa Temple, and perhaps shed light on the conditions that led to the production of stone Buddhist sculptures in the Honam area during the late seventeenth century.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.164-183
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• 2021

This article examines how the production technology of the Chinese bronze mirror affected the Korean Peninsula and Japan. To that end, we looked at how the drawing of linked-arc designs in bronze mirrors was done. The drawing technique is classified into three methods: Type 1 and type 2 were confirmed to have been used in China, but type 3 was used not in China, but on the Korean Peninsula and in Japan. Type 1 and type 2 are basically the same, with an identical restored diameter of the linked-arc design, and type 2 is found elsewhere in the bronze mirror, and type 1 are not. Type 3 features different diameters, and the linked-arc design does not form a complete circle. This shows that the manufacturer of the bronze mirror did not use several bumpy compasses, but rather a single one with a fixed center and protrusion, rather than one that can be easily adjusted, as it is today. That is why, of course, a pair of compasses must have been used several times. In this regard, those who produced bronze mirrors on the Korean Peninsula in the early days understood not only the Chinese techniques of the linked-arc design, but also the meaning contained within them. On the other hand, the makers of bronze mirrors in Japan did not understand the patterns and simply imitated them. From the late Yayoi period, Japan understood and produced works with the principle of drawing the linked-arc design. As a representative example, bronze mirrors excavated from the tomb of Hirabaru can be referenced. Perhaps it can be assumed that, behind these works, there was a direct transfer of technology, such as the migration of the makers of bronze mirror makers like the Do family (陶氏), whose names were found written on bronze mirrors excavated from the Hirabaru tomb.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.82-110
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• 2021

This study specifically examined the date of the black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" of Jian ware, one of the key research topics related to the bowls. The results of this study can be summarized as follows. Jian Kiln produced various shapes of black glazed bowls, but almost all of the inscriptions of "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" are found only in two certain type bowls: Type I, the Shukou type bowls (束口碗), or Type II, the Piekou type bowls (撇口碗). Of these, there are significantly more of the former in existence. For Type I bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)", the mouth of the bowls is slightly evaginated outwards, and the inclination angle of the side slope is about 50°. The shape feature, Shukou (束口) is formed which is slightly indented around the bowl about 0.3~0.5cm below the mouth of bowl. And the height of the bowls is relatively low compared to other Type I black glazed bowls produced by Jian Kiln, so the height divided by the diameter is 0.5 or less. There is little difference in shape between the black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御) and those with "Jinzhan (進琖)". However, taking into consideration the excavation situation of both type bowls, the former is considered to be ahead of the latter in terms of production date. On the other hand, the black glazed bowls of Jian ware, which have the same shape features as the Type I bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" have not been found in the tombs dating from the end of the 12th to the beginning of the 13th century from which typical Jian kiln black glazed bowls of the same type were excavated. For the Hakata site (博多遺址) in Japan, the black glazed bowls with such a shape feature were excavated from early 12th century sites, rather than from the late 12th to early 13th century sites at which the typical black glazed bowls of Jian kiln were found. Considering that the black glazed bowls from Fujian province were imported into Hakata with almost no time gap, it is very unlikely that the production time of Type I black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" will deviate from the early 12th century. In conclusion, it is considered that the black glazed bowls marked with "Gongyu (供御)" or "Jinzhan (進琖)" of Jian ware were produced in the early 12th century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.48-65
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• 2022

Three Japanese Buddhist scuptures of Daehyusa temple in Gimcheon, Gyeongsangbuk-do province(慶尙北道) are enshrined in the main hall(本堂) of Henjoin temple in Daegu, an annex temple built by the Chisan School(智山派) of Shingi Shingon sect(新義眞言宗) in Daegu around 1910 when the Japanese colonial period began. The following statues are believed to have been made around this time: the Statue of Kobo daishi(弘法大師像), which is the figure of monk Kukai(空海, 774-835), the founder of the Shingon sect(眞言宗) of Japan, and the Statue of Dainichi nyorai(大日如來像) and the Statue of Fudo myo-o(不動明王像), which are notable sculptures representing the thought and belief of the Shingon sect. Most statues identified of Dainichi nyorai, Kobo daishi, and Fudo myo-o from the Japanese colonial period thus far are rock-carved statues or stone statues. The statues of Daehyusa temple are noteworthy in that they are the first discovered Japanese Buddhist sculptures made of wood, known to have been enshrined in Japanese temples. Furthermore, they are valuable sources that can provide clues to the religious atmosphere of the temples of Chisan School of Shingi Shingon sect at the time. Although these statues have formative features that partially reflect modern aesthetics, their iconographic origins date back to the Heian period(平安時代, 794-1185). In other words, the Statue of Dainichi nyorai inherits the religious tradition of the Statue of Dainichi nyorai, which was created by monk Kakuban(覺鑁, 1095-1143), the founder of the Shingi Shingon sect. The Statue of Kobo daishi follows the Shinnyo Shinno(眞如親王) style founded by Monk-Imperial Prince Shinnyo who was a disciple of monk Kukai. The Statue of Fudo myo-o manifests the Genjo(玄祖) style among the statues of Fudo myo-o. Although not much is known about how the statues were enshrined in the Henjoin temple in Daegu during the Japanese colonial period, it is very likely that these statues were created as Shingi Shingon sect's statue of three-wheeled body(三輪身). That is, it is estimated that the Statue of Dainichi nyorai, Statue of Kobo daishi, and Statue of Fudo myo-o have the characteristics of the body of self-nature chakra(自性輪身), the body of great dharma chakra(正法輪身), and the body of order chakra(敎令輪身), respectively. The fact that the statue of three-wheeled body was established in the Shingon sect in Japan by monk Kakuban also lends credence to this possibility. It is thought that people who came to the Henjoin temple in Daegu worshiped the statue of three-wheeled body to understand the teachings of the Dainichi nyorai. Although it is the case of Sildalsa Temple (悉達寺, the successor of Henjoin temple in Daegu) in the first half of the 1950s, the main hall includes features that reinforce the idea that the tradition of Kobo daisi faith(弘法大師信仰) is passed on. To illustrate, the human skeletal remains in the main hall of Sildalsa Temple reflect Koyasan(高野山)'s tradition in laying ashes to rest, which has been popular in conjunction with the Kobo daishi faith in Japan since the 11th century.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.104-129
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• 2020

Designated as a national treasure of Korea and inscribed on the UNESCO World Heritage List, the Tripitaka Koreana at Haeinsa Temple is the world's oldest and most comprehensive extant version of the Tripitaka in Hanja script (i.e., Chinese characters). The set consists of 81,352 carved woodblocks, some of which have two or more copies, which are known as "duplicate woodblocks." These duplicates are supplementary woodblocks (bogakpan) that were carved some time after the original production, likely to replace blocks that had been eroded or damaged by repeated printings. According to the most recent survey, the number of supplementary woodblocks is 118, or approximately 0.14% of the total set, which attests to the outstanding preservation of the original woodblocks. Research on the supplementary woodblocks can reveal important details about the preservation and management of the Tripitaka Koreana woodblocks. Most of the supplementary woodblocks were carved during the Joseon period (1392-1910) or Japanese colonial period (1910-1945). Although the details of the woodblocks from the Japanese colonial period have been recorded and organized to a certain extent, no such efforts have been made with regards to the woodblocks from the Joseon period. This paper analyzes the characteristics and production date of the supplementary woodblocks of the Tripitaka Koreana. The sutra with the most supplementary woodblocks is the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra (Perfection of Transcendental Wisdom), often known as the Heart Sutra. In fact, 76 of the total 118 supplementary woodblocks (64.4%) are for this sutra. Hence, analyses of printed versions of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra should illuminate trends in the carving of supplementary woodblocks for the Tripitaka Koreana, including the representative characteristics of different periods. According to analysis of the 76 supplementary woodblocks of the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra, 23 were carved during the Japanese colonial period: 12 in 1915 and 11 in 1937. The remaining 53 were carved during the Joseon period at three separate times. First, 14 of the woodblocks bear the inscription "carved in the mujin year by Haeji" ("戊辰年更刻海志"). Here, the "mujin year" is estimated to correspond to 1448, or the thirtieth year of the reign of King Sejong. On many of these 14 woodblocks, the name of the person who did the carving is engraved outside the border. One of these names is Seonggyeong, an artisan who is known to have been active in 1446, thus supporting the conclusion that the mujin year corresponds to 1448. The vertical length of these woodblocks (inside the border) is 21 cm, which is about 1 cm shorter than the original woodblocks. Some of these blocks were carved in the Zhao Mengfu script. Distinguishing features include the appearance of faint lines on some plates, and the rough finish of the bottoms. The second group of supplementary woodblocks was carved shortly after 1865, when the monks Namho Yeonggi and Haemyeong Jangung had two copies of the Tripitaka Koreana printed. At the time, some of the pages could not be printed because the original woodblocks were damaged. This is confirmed by the missing pages of the extant copy that is now preserved at Woljeongsa Temple. As a result, the supplementary woodblocks are estimated to have been produced immediately after the printing. Evidently, however, not all of the damaged woodblocks could be replaced at this time, as only six woodblocks (comprising eight pages) were carved. On the 1865 woodblocks, lines can be seen between the columns, no red paint was applied, and the prayers of patrons were also carved into the plates. The third carving of supplementary woodblocks occurred just before 1899, when the imperial court of the Korean Empire sponsored a new printing of the Tripitaka Koreana. Government officials who were dispatched to supervise the printing likely inspected the existing blocks and ordered supplementary woodblocks to be carved to replace those that were damaged. A total of 33 supplementary woodblocks (comprising 56 pages) were carved at this time, accounting for the largest number of supplementary woodblocks for the Maha Prajnaparamita Sutra. On the 1899 supplementary woodblocks, red paint was applied to each plate and one line was left blank at both ends.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.5-19
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• 2008

Thirty six samples of Western asia glass vessel shards which were excavated from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong were each measured for thickness, pore size and specific gravity and analyzed for ten major compositions and thirteen trace elements. The glass samples with colorless, greenish blue and dark purple blue were well classified by principal component analysis(PCA). All glass shards of Hwangnamdaechong belonged to Soda glass system ($Na_2O-CaO-SiO_2$) which have the range of 14~17% $Na_2O$ and 5~6% CaO. The corelation coefficients of (MgO, $K_2O$) and (MnO, CuO) showed above 0.90. The concentrations of thirteen trace elements apparently differentiated from colorless, greenish blue and dark blue glasses. We found that thirteen trace elements were very important indices for studying raw material of glass and the origin of glass making. Colorless glass : The specific gravity is $1.50{\pm}0.04$. Circle or oval circle pores are observed with regular direction in internal zone and the longest one is about 0.35 mm. The raw material of sodium must be the plant ash because sodium glasses contain HCLA(High CaO, Low $Al_2O_3$) and HMK(high MgO, high $K_2O$) and suggested to Sasanian glass. The total amount of coloring agent of colorless glass is below 1 % which is too small to attribute to the color. Greenish blue glass : The specific gravity is $1.58{\pm}0.04$. The fine pores which are 0.1~0.2mm are dispersed in internal zone. Sodium glasses are distributed to HCLA and HMK. Therefore the greenish blue glass also have used plant ash for raw material of sodium with the same as colorless glass. It was also suggested to the glass of Sasanian. The total amount of coloring agent of greenish blue glass is about 4% under the influence of working MnO, $Fe_2O_3$ and CuO. Dark purple blue glass : The specific gravity is $1.48{\pm}0.19$. There are rarely pores in internal zone. They are distributed to HCLA and LMK(Low MgO, Low $K_2O$) and suggested to Roman glass. The raw material of sodium is estimated to natron. The total amount of coloring agents of greenish blue is about 3% by $Fe_2O_3$ and CuO. These studies for western asia glass shards from South Mound of Hwangnamdaechong could be used in the future as the standard data which could be compared with those of other several graves in Korea and dispersed in foreign areas.

• Journal of Korean Society of Archives and Records Management
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• v.2 no.1
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• pp.41-66
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• 2002

This paper examines urgent issues of establishing the presidential library in relation to the current standing of the Government Archives and Records Service. As government records have been tremendously accumulated every year, the Government Archives and Records Service will be full within three years, which indicates that the constructing of new storage repositories is an emergent issue. In addition, presidential records are one of the most significant and influential public properties for preserving historical value and interpretation at the national level. Some serious concerns relating to the presidential library are raised for consideration. First of all, it is compulsory to preserve presidential records and to construct the presidential library. Second, the presidential library performs a variety of functions including the acquisition, preservation, access, reference, research, education, and display of presidential records as well as exhibits of public activities and administration personally and in public during the president' regime. A new presidential library should function as both of a depository and museum of presidential records through systematic arrangement and display. Thus a new repository of the Government Archives and Records Service should be co-constructed with the presidential library within the same boundary. Third, a newly constructed presidential library should be at least double- or triple- sized more than estimated in order to contain all related holdings. Fourth, to take custody of public records across the legislature, judiciary and administration, the Government Archives and Records Service should be directed by an official at the level of vice-minister and upgraded to an independent office such as "National Archives and Records Administration." Fifth, the presidential library's location and surrounding environments should be selected with careful planning.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.41-66
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• 2017

The purpose of this research is to empirically trace the junctures of Yigye-gugok managed by Gwan-am Hong Gyeong-mo, a grandson of Yigye Hong Yang-ho who originally designed Yigye-gugok, while reviewing the features of the forms and patterns of gugok. The results of the research are as follows. 1. Ui-dong was part of the domain of the capital during the Chosun dynasty, which also is located in the city of Seoul as a matter of administrative zone. Likewisely, Yigye-gugok is taken as a special meaning for it was one and only gugok. Starting with Mangyeong Waterfall as the $1^{st}$ gok, Yigye follows through the $2^{nd}$ gok of Jeokchwibyeong Rock, the $3^{rd}$ gok of Chanunbong Peak, the $4^{th}$ gok of Jinuigang Rock, the $5^{th}$ gok of Okkyeongdae Rock, the $6^{th}$ gok of Wolyeongdam Pond, the $7^{th}$ gok of Tagyeongam Rock, the $8^{th}$ gok of Myeongoktan Stream, and the $9^{th}$ gok of Jaeganjeong Pavilion. Of these, Mangyeong Waterfall, Chanunbong Peak, and Okkyeongdae Rock are distinct for their locations in as much as their features, while estimated locations for Jinuigang Rock, Wolyeongdam Pond, Myeongoktan Stream, and Jaeganjeong Pavilion were discovered. However, Jeokchwibyeong Rock and Tagyeongam Rock demonstrated multiple locations in close resemblance to documentary literatures within secretive proximity, whereas geography, scenery, and sighted objects were considered to evaluate the 1st estimated location. Through these endeavored, it was possible to identify the shipping routes and structures for the total distance of 2.1km running from the $1^{st}$ gok to the $9^{th}$ gok, which nears Gwanam's description of 5ri(里), or approximately 1.96km for gugok. 2. Set towards the end of the $18^{th}$ century, Yigye-gugok originated from a series of work shaping the space of Hong Yang-ho's tomb into a space for the family. Comparing Yigye-gugok to other gugoks, numerous differences are apparent from beyond the rather more general format such as adjoining the $8^{th}$ gok while paving through the lower directions from the upper directions of the water. This gives rises to the interpretation such that Yigye-gugok was positioned to separate the doman of the family from those of the other families in power, thereby taking over Ui-dong. Yet, the aspect of the possession of the space lends itself to the determination that the location positioned at the $8^{th}$ gok above Mangyeongpok Waterfall representing Wooyi-dong was a consequence of the centrifugal space creation efforts. 3. While writings and poetic works were manufactured in such large quantities in Yigye-gugok whose products of setters and managers seemed intended towards gugok-do and letters carved on the rocks among others, there is yet a tremendous lack of visual media in the same respect. 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting offers the traces of Gwanam's attempts to engrave gakja at the food of Yigye-gugok. This research was able to ascertain that 'Yigye-gugok Daejacheop' Specimens of Handwriting was a product of Hong Yang-ho's collections maintained under the auspices of the National Central Museum, which are renowned for Song Shi-yeol's penmanship.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.98
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• pp.22-53
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• 2020

This paper analyzes the contents, characteristics, and historical significance of the dedicatory inscriptions (josanggi) on the Amitabha Buddha and the Maitreya Bodhisattva statues of Gamsansa Temple, two masterpieces of Buddhist sculpture from the Unified Silla period. In the first section, I summarize research results from the past century (divided into four periods), before presenting a new perspective and methodology that questions the pre-existing notion that the Maitreya Bodhisattva has a higher rank than the Amitabha Buddha. In the second section, through my own analysis of the dedicatory inscriptions, arrangement, and overall appearance of the two images, I assert that the Amitabha Buddha sculpture actually held a higher rank and greater significance than the Maitreya Bodhisattva sculpture. In the third section, for the first time, I provide a new interpretation of two previously undeciphered characters from the inscriptions. In addition, by comparing the sentence structures from the respective inscriptions and revising the current understanding of the author (chanja) and calligrapher (seoja), I elucidate the possible meaning of some ambiguous phrases. Finally, in the fourth section, I reexamine the content of both inscriptions, differentiating between the parts relating to the patron (josangju), the dedication (josang), and the prayers of the patrons or donors (balwon). In particular, I argue that the phrase "for my deceased parents" is not merely a general axiom, but a specific reference. To summarize, the dedicatory inscriptions can be interpreted as follows: when Kim Jiseong's parents died, they were cremated and he scattered most of their remains by the East Sea. But years later, he regretted having no physical memorial of them to which to pay his respects. Thus, in his later years, he donated his estate on Gamsan as alms and led the construction of Gamsansa Temple. He then commissioned the production of the two stone sculptures of Amitabha Buddha and Maitreya Bodhisattva for the temple, asking that they be sculpted realistically to reflect the actual appearance of his parents. Finally, he enshrined the remains of his parents in the sculptures through the hole in the back of the head (jeonghyeol). The Maitreya Bodhisattva is a standing image with a nirmanakaya, or "transformation Buddha," on the crown. As various art historians have pointed out, this iconography is virtually unprecedented among Maitreya images in East Asian Buddhist sculpture, leading some to speculate that the standing image is actually the Avalokitesvara. However, anyone who reads the dedicatory inscription can have no doubt that this image is in fact the Maitreya. To ensure that the sculpture properly embodied his mother (who wished to be reborn in Tushita Heaven with Maitreya Bodhisattva), Kim Jiseong combined the iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara (the reincarnation of compassion). Hence, Kim Jiseong's deep love for his mother motivated him to modify the conventional iconography of the Maitreya and Avalokitesvara. A similar sentiment can be found in the sculpture of Amitabha Buddha. To this day, any visitor to the temple who first looks at the sculptures from the front before reading the text on the back will be deeply touched by the filial love of Kim Jiseong, who truly cherished the memory of his parents.