• Cartoon and Animation Studies
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• s.43
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• pp.255-284
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• 2016

This article aims at a discourse analysis on the selected 1970s Myungrang Manwhas, in the cases of Ggubungi, Doggaebi Gamtu, Yochul Balmyungwang. For the analysis, the history, pre-censorship, and distribution structure of Myungrang Manwha are referenced, as well as the considerable changes and developments on the definition of 'myungrang' since the 1920s. In employing Foucauldian discourse analysis to the texts, the selected Myungrang Manwhas are analyzed as discursive formation, which emerged within the social relations of the era; the characters' dialogues are analyzed as statement. The analysis examines the discourses that the texts disseminated, and the social context of the utterance. It is demonstrated that the Myungrang Manwhas are forms of representation, which implies 'the contested acquisition on capital and power', 'the emphasis on nationalist aspects', and 'the interpellation and discipline of subject active' of the time. Moreover, it is revealed that the forms of control, such as pre-censorship, were the articulation of the will to power, which drove the discoursive formation to function as an apparatus that meticulously constituted the ruling ideology. In conclusion, the Myungrang Manwhas are rather texts that encompasses political and social context of the era than a mere comic relief.

• Journal of Service Research and Studies
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• v.7 no.4
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• pp.1-14
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• 2017

Little empirical consumer research has focused on perceived conspicuous consumption in the respect of negative emotion. This research aims to prove the perceived conspicuous consumption's negative effect on consumers' attitude toward brand. In this research, two experiments were designed to test hypothesis. The results of analysis confirm that perceived conspicuous consumption affects the attitude towards brand, Consumer's temporal power distance belief mediates the relation between perceived conspicuous consumption and brand evaluation, in line with our assumption. The level of perceived group norm towards conspicuous consumption (high vs. low) moderates the relation between perceived conspicuous consumption and brand evaluation. In further research, the group norm scale should be improved and additional experiment adopting variety priming or manipulation method should be conducted for robustness of causality.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.351-377
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• 2008

Corruption in China became increasingly serious during the early period of its social transition, resulting in severe economic losses and huge challenges to China's government institution, as well as gradually becoming socially widespread. Recently. China's political corruption is an outcome of the attenuated political control, which has been caused by a systemic change from planned economy to market economy since 1978, and the lack of institutionalization to relieve such transition. Besides, the immature market system and state's intervention in the economy are other factors for the corruption. In short, current China's corruption can be regarded as a structuralized phenomenon. This article identified such circumstance by analyzing the scope, degree, and scale of the corruption. Overall assessment of the some factors suggests that present economic modernization is a principal cause for Chinese corruption while the other factors-monopoly power system in the Chinese Communist Party and the transformation of connection-are important but secondary.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.20 no.2
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• pp.181-198
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• 1997

Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.70-86
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• 1987

Going beyond the previous formulations of development theories, the present paper explores the effects other than political economy on quality of life in a rapidly developing country. The major analysis takes up the historical trend and nature of the developmental transformation that is partially a consequences of state structures and partially autonomous form it in South Korea. Also, it diagnoses developmental pathways for the future track by constructing a baseline model for state transition on the basis of power game between the state and civil society in the country. The results of the historical analysis show that civil society has been transformed in the course of confrontations and interactions between the state and nationalist social movement. The distinction between developmental(or bureaucratic authoritarian) and democratic state is presented to show that these are two qualitatively different aspects of state of state power, requiring separate analytical treatment. Furthermore, the state-centric approach which emphasizes the active role of the state at the sacrifice of societal fabric-constraining social conditions for quality of life - appears to be modified. On the contrary, the impact of civil society is transmitted both directly and indirectly via labor and ecological movement for quality of life, which is critical to the formation of the welfare state in the country. The prospect for sustainable development in Korea lies in providng and expanding quality of life in terms of the financial feasibility of the state through the public-private cooperation, and abstaining from drastic and radical commitment to welfare services as is the case with the European declines in welfare state, Further studies are needed to examine the interrelationships in different historical and cultural settings of developing counties to estimate a theory of quality of life and social justice.

• Korean Journal of Comparative Education
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.135-159
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• 2018

This thesis compares and analyzes the dynamics between policy, knowledge and power of Myanmar's higher education development. The papers begins by exploring the dynamics during the Socialist Military Regime(1962~1988), the Collapse of Higher Education Era(1988~2010), Thein Sein's Reform Era(2010~2015) and the current Aung San Suu Kyi's Civilian Era(2015~Now). By highlighting recent dramatic policy changes, the article argues that the policy discourse on the subject of internationalization of higher education and the technocratization of education development policy by the current Civilian Government in its new policy discourse, that resulted in the active participation as well as the contributions of international donors has directly impacted on the policy dynamics around the Comprehensive Education Sector Review and the introduction of the National Education Strategic Plan 2016~2020. Further, by examining complex interaction between the current domestic education stakeholders and international donors in education sector in Myanmar, this thesis argues that the new analytical framework on the understanding of policy dynamics in developing countries goes beyond the national level. The paper argues that there needs to be broadening of the analytical framework towards the multidimensional analysis perspective that includes global, national as well as local level policy, knowledge and power dynamics in Myanmar's dynamically changing higher education sector.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.51
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• pp.193-212
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• 2018

This paper attempts to explore how Ang Lee depicts Asian and Western women in his films. We focus on two parts of his consciousness First, Ang Lee does not consider himself a feminist, he understands the world in terms of women who play societal roles. Second, Ang Lee's films reflect his identity in a juxtaposition model, in which he is a member of mainstream American society and also holds an onlooker's viewpoint at the same time. He depicts women, who are often marginalized or considered the minority, and their feminist ideals, as means that break down the authority of the father and the man, the traditional ideology, and the male dominant nationalism. Chinese women in movies divide apart traditional Chinese patriarchal ideology and male-dominated anti-Japanese sentiments. Also, the Western women in his films reveal the non-stereotypical appearance of Western society in the 1970s and 1980s, with daily tension, anxiety, abdominal pain and anger, silence and anxiety about homosexual husbands, and excessive obsession. The director's portrayal of women not only separates the male-centered and Western-centered discourse, but also reveals a self-division of internalized masculine patriarchal Asian thought consciousness.

• Korean Security Journal
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• no.33
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• pp.229-260
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• 2012

The purpose of this study is to categorize the past Chiefs of Presidenteal Security Service so far based on their level of expertise and authority so that we can identify some specific reasons as to why some of them are recognized as successful while others are not, and that the categorization will be a guideline to future successful administration. In order to do so, a quantitative research has been implemented through meetings of a group security science expert who has been in security business for substantial amount of time. The result is as following: Authoritative/professional: 2nd Chief of P.S.S. Park, Jong-Gyu, 5th Chief of P.S.S. Jang, Se-Dong, 7th Chief of P.S.S. Lee, Hyeon-Wu, 8th Chief of P.S.S. Choi, Seok-Rip. Authoritative/Non-professional: 1st Chief of P.S.S. Hong, Jong-cheol, 3rd Chief of P.S.S. Cha, Ji-cheol, 6th Chief of P.S.S. Ahn, Hyeon-Tae, 14th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, In-Jong. Non-authoritative/professional: 4th Chief of P.S.S. Jeong, Dong-Ho, 9th Chief of P.S.S. Park, Sang-Beom, 13th Chief of P.S.S. Yom. Sang-Guk. Non-authoritative/Non-professional: 10th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, Gwang-Seok, 11th Chief of P.S.S. Ahn, Ju-Seop, 12th Chief of P.S.S. Kim, Se-Ok. This categorization research on the Chief of P.S.S. suggests that any president, to be a successful one, must choose the Chief of P.S.S. based on his/her expertise in order to secure national security.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.1
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• pp.31-54
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• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.74
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• pp.177-196
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• 2015

This paper aims to plan a new research program on the parallel relationship between Korean press and political power, by providing concepts on the mode of existence of professional journalists in Korea. In the midst of the economic crisis of Korean journalism, relative deteriorisation in the political democracy and the liberty of press, and changes in news ecosystem due to the revolution of digital news, the status of professional journalists is at stake. In these circumstances, this paper argues that many existing researches on journalistic professionalism need to be reconstructed in the perspective of professional project. It enables, first of all, an evaluation on actual issues of professional journalists from the actor perspective, i.e. economic interests, social closure, regulative bargain with the authority. Secondly, concerning decoupling phenomenon of journalism and democracy which became salient in the contemporary society, this study raises a necessity to create new logical relations around concepts of journalist professionalism. And we will find, in this situation, a beginning of new evaluation on the mode of existence of professional journalists, that has been possibly developped within the old, assymetric relationship between State-press. And finally, this study proposes to consider a category of professional journalists as a vehicle that helps to conceptualize the old, parallel relationship between Korean press and political power.