• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.58 no.2
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• pp.167-195
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• 2006

The purpose of this study is to suggest the revision direction of the Korean Child Welfare Law based on the results of the comparative analysis on the Korean Child Welfare Law and the Japanese Child Welfare Law. The main results are: Both laws have only two provisions about children's participation right. The child protective system in Japan secures the swiftness of within-two-months period of temporary protection through the child consulting center, the investigation right by the child welfare worker, publicity, enforcement on the parents' rights, and the network with the nearest child supporting center. Furthermore, those provisions with the notifying obligation by a finder of the child who needs protection and the limit of protection period are guaranteed in order to ensure the effectiveness of law enforcement. However, Korean child protective system functions only as pre-substitutive service. While the provisions for the disability children account for 21.2% of the total Japanese law, there is no provision on that in the Korean law. The Japanese law is substantially different from the Korean law in a sense that it obligates the minimum quality criteria of child service and national financial burden on the child welfare. While the Japanese law clearly stipulates the national responsibility in relation to the degree of the rights, the Korean law does not directly touch upon it. Furthermore, the Japan's law guarantees that not only children but also protectors retain the right to choose and apply for services.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.18
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• pp.269-303
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• 2002

This article presents a historical account of media role in the transition and consolidation period of democracy. Despite the assumption that media plays a important role in the construction of democracy, it is less clear how the media can affect the process of political change itself. This article seeks to answer some of these question, based on the Mill's macro-social comparative 'method of difference' of Korea and Spain. It is widely agreed that both states achieve democracy through transaction from above(pacts). Media role, however, differs significantly in accordance with authoritarian legacies and civic representativeness of the pacts. Whereas Korean dailies is deepening given market oligopoly and prior practices after democratization, Spain dailies market entirely changed in both structural and spiritual respects. As a result, Korean dailies substantially lacks in civic representativeness as before, contrary to Spain. Spain television settled a sort of the external pluralism. Korean television is pursuing the BBC type of internal pluralism. In Korea, television is more commercial than Spain. Consequently, Spain media serve the consolidation of democracy more than Korea on the whole.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.64-75
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• 2010

Gyeongju, with its thousand-year-old history of the Silla Dynasty, is an impressive historical city where beautiful nature of mountains in the background and rivers in its front is getting along with the city landscape. The historic landscape of Gyeongju is divided into three groups: the old town, the ruins preservation region in the southeast of old towns, and the natural landscape region surrounding these regions. The old town region shows a common landscape of which general small cities in Korea may have, while its surroundings display the overlaps of natural and historic landscapes. The special city landscape is presented only in Gyeongju. Nevertheless, the northern area of the old town was built based on the concept of new towns without any height restriction of buildings, damaging the historic landscape of Gyeongju. It is misjudgment by interpreting the cultural heritage as the individual artifact rather than the continuous historic landscape. Since the 1970s when rapid industrialization and urbanization appeared along with the comprehensive development for Gyeongju tourism, the historic landscape has been slowly damaged. There were not enough financial and political supports from the central government, because the project for Gyeongju tourism was focused on the investment on the tourist industry. Now, in order to preserve the historical city like Gyeongju which represents the culture of Korea, the central government should actively engage in its protection. Policies of the central government should be focused on educating people that the historical restoration of Gyeongju is a way of recovering the national pride, and drawing the agreement of people. For its accomplishment, the government should change its policy from economy-oriented to culture-oriented. That is, the cultural policy should be emphasized.

• Land and Housing Review
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• v.12 no.2
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• pp.13-32
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• 2021

Rapid urbanization has resulted in the unprecedented growth of population in Metro Manila, the Philippines and has led to a 'dual' housing crisis - vacant/unoccupied socialized housing and a chronic housing shortage or delayed housing supply. By developing two GIS-based statistical models, this study is to examine socialized housing in comparison with private housing with respect to location patterns, integration, accessibility, social and economic aspects, and vulnerability to environmental hazards. Multiple regression analysis was integrated with the GIS to identify significant variables that influence the spatial distribution of socialized housing. The comparison between the two regression models has shown that socialized housing is located in areas with inappropriate land use and poor accessibility to transportation facilities and built urban resources. Moreover, both regression models have proven the statistical significance of the vulnerability of socialized housing to environmental hazards. The finding explains how the current housing policies do not address the country's housing crisis, especially for the marginalized and low-income households. Thus, the findings provide implications for urban planners and local decision-makers in reforming the current policy interventions.

• 한국사회정책
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.71-96
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• 2018

Globalization, deindustrialization, and the revolutionary development of technology has led to the concerns that existing social policies might not be fit for the current and upcoming society. At the same time, the idea of universal basic income has drawn significant attentions as the alternative to the old welfare state. There are pros and cons of basic income, and scholars of both sides stand against each other with their equivalently strong logics. In this situation, some governments have planned or conducted field experiments in order to estimate the causal effects of basic income. This study explores the Finnish and Dutch basic income experiments in methodological perspective. All the World have been watching the experiments in these two countries with keen interest. The results of these experiments will surely influence on the pros and cons of basic income in numerous countries, including South Korea. It is important to precisely figure out the methodological meanings and limitations of the experiments, for the experiments in both countries deal with only some partial components of basic income and have been exposed to many threats to internal validity. Therefore, scholars for and against basic income should be careful in interpreting the findings from these experiments. This study elucidate the methodological meanings and limitations of the Finnish and Dutch basic income experiments. Furthermore, this study extracts some lessons from these experiments that would be useful if scholars would have an opportunity to design and conduct a basic income experiment in South Korea.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.19 no.7
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• pp.546-558
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• 2019

Health inequality means health gaps that can be affected adverse effects to the vulnerable groups in a society. Many scholars argue that it is needed social interventions to reduce health gaps between the vulnerable and the privileged in a society, because social inequalities can be caused and resulted health inequality among them. In this context, this article introduces Korean out of school children health check-up as part of the policies to reduce health inequality in the society. For a long time, many out of school children have been alienated from the national health checkup systems. That means they are not only marginalized groups in Korean society, but also excluded from the benefits of health promotion and health management. Many runaway youths are struggling to live by themselves, who are escaped from their families and they don't have enough resources to keep their health. They are also young and low waged workers who are expelled to the streets, while they don't have any support and protection from the communities. Out of school children health checkup has been conducted to the adolescents who stay in the shelters or study in alternative schools. To get meaningful results as the health inequality reduction policy, it is needed to expand out of children health checkup to the runaway teenagers.

• Korean Association of Arts Management
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• no.53
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• pp.71-99
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• 2020

This study focuses on the case of the National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art, Korea (hereafter MMCA) that has faced the issue of securing autonomy as an art institution in association with the neoliberal logic of economy as part of globalization. The MMCA was opened with limited operational autonomy due to the government's development-driven national system and bureaucratic perspective. Since being selected as an institution subject to a range of restructuring consequent to the IMF crisis in 1997, the MMCA is being assessed for its operational autonomy since then. This paper examines the socio-cultural background of the implementation of the Korean type of 'Executive Agency' and 'Non-Departmental Public Body'. Furthermore, regardless of the result of either implementation or withdrawal after the projects, this paper explains how these administrative reforms lead the conflicts between stakeholders, which would promote the MMCA's autonomy. As a result, the institutional restructuring process based on the neoliberal perspective might result in the operational dilemma that must simultaneously fulfil the publicness in a different context. Moreover, unlike the original intent to establish a performance-based system based on the principle of competition while minimizing government intervention, this study illuminates that the influence of the nation(or government) as the actual agent of the projects may become permanent. It implies that since the establishment and development project of MMCA has initialized the concept of statism based on legal authority, the operational autonomy of the MMCA which is premised on the reinforcement of expertise and publicness cannot be prioritized over the direction and control of the government.

• International Area Studies Review
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• v.15 no.1
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• pp.241-266
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• 2011

This study examines the determinants of proportion of self-employed and their policy implications focusing hotel/restaurant and wholesale/retail sectors in Korea. In this study, we estimate the optimal size of self-employed in Korea using OECD data. Several hypothesis are tested by use of the regression analysis on the panel data of OECD economies during 2000-2007 period. Using the panel data of per capita GNI, unemployment level, income tax burden, we found that the excess supply level of self-employed was about 8.0%~9.5% overall. We also found that the excess supply level of self-employed was 13.7~14.1% for hotel and restaurant sector, and 10.4~11.1% for wholesale and retail sector. This results imply that strategically coordinated programs for noncompetitive sectors are more effectively implemented. Furthermore, more aggressive entry and exit policies are needed to solve the over-supply problem of self-employed in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.5-33
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• 2019

This study aims to explore the implications of the 2019 European Parliament elections. Existing studies show that European elections serve as secondary elections dominated by domestic issues. However, the 2019 European elections have highlighted pan-European issues such as the Brexit negotiations and the rise of far-right populism, with voter turnout also rising sharply to 50.62%, which is the highest record since the 2000s. There was also a significant change in the number of parliamentary seats held by each political group. First, the European People's Party(EPP) and the Progressive Alliance of Socialists and Democrats(S&D), which had hitherto led the European Parliament, failed to achieve a majority. Second, the number of seats won by Renew Europe, a new liberal-centrist group, was considerably high. Third, the far-right groups organized a full-fledged political force by rallying around the Identity and Democracy(ID) group. The rise of liberal-centrism can be explained as a reaction to the popularity of anti-European populism. Renew Europe's emphasis on open-market competition has created a different issue, especially since the center-left and center-right groups have stressed on the need for state intervention in employment, welfare, security and immigration control. Along with far-right populism, liberal centrism has also reshuffled Europe's political cleavage, and the conflict between 'liberalism' and 'protectionism' has become more evident in the European Parliament.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.10 no.4
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• pp.17-22
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• 2024

The war that broke out on October 7, 2023 is prolonging and expanding into the Middle East. Although the damage from war is increasing, humanitarian aid to the Gaza Strip has been halted due to UNRWA's deviant actions. Powerful countries have suspended support, and the UN is appealing for support for the Gaza Strip. All damage is borne by civilians in the Gaza Strip, especially women, children, and the elderly. Israel has selected an evacuation zone and evacuation route in the Gaza Strip and established a humanitarian aid route in the border area. However, Hamas's resistance in underground tunnels, using civilian-dense areas and civilian facilities such as hospitals and schools as shields, further amplified civilian casualties. This Israel-Hamas war requires the international community to approach it from a human security perspective. We must strengthen the UN's functions and roles to ensure that humanitarian supplies reach the field and humanitarian intervention forces ensure human dignity and basic rights. We must restore the credibility of the UN's role through the Israel-Hamas war. In addition, Korea should urge the introduction of humanitarian aid and goods, and provide humanitarian goods such as daily necessities and medicine. We must also prepare for deployment as a member of the UN peacekeeping force in the future. These activities will help Korea develop into a model country that fulfills its role as a 'global pivotal nation' and will have a virtuous cycle of international support in the event of a future crisis on the Korean Peninsula.