• Water for future
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• v.38 no.1
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• pp.50-71
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• 2005

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.12
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• pp.173-188
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• 1988

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.66 no.4
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• pp.257-280
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• 2014

This is a study of Jinminso. The purpose of the study is to search and analyze the documents about Jinminso. The data is composed with the first hand historical documents both government documents and civil newspapers which are searched by internet. Based on the documents found, it is safe to say that Jinminso has existed and functioned as an indoor almshouse for the poor. It was established in June 25, 1898 by civil people with donated money in order to reduce the burden of Emperor and to share the love and care for their people with a brotherhood mind. The Jinminso resident were the poor, the sick, the orphans, widows, elderly living alone, and the disabled. They received food, clothes, and shelter. However, Emperor Gojong ordered to shut down Jinminso, and it was closed in Sept. 25, in 1898. The main reason was inappropriate collection of money for the agency operation from the merchants. When Jinminso was closed, all the inmates became homeless. The founders asked to reopen it, and it was accepted but this time was opened as a government agency in 1899. Jinminso imposes great meanings. One, Jinminso was not just an office but a direct service agency housing hundreds of poor people; two, poverty was understood as social problem not just a local district problem; three, rules and regulations were prepared to set up a system of modern age social welfare. The findings provide a clue how the government and society perceived poverty and the poor during the time of late 1800s to early 1900s. The existence of Jinminso will pose many new question.

• Proceedings of the Korea Institute of Fire Science and Engineering Conference
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• 2011.04a
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• pp.148-151
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• 2011

본 연구에서는 역사기록서 분석을 통해 조선왕조시대 산불방지정책을 분석하였다. 조선왕조시대 산불방지정책은 크게 예방분야와 민생안정에 관한 정책으로 구분할 수 있었고 산불예방분야에서는 산불발생가능지역과 산불보호대상지역으로 구분하여 예방정책을 시행하였다. 산불발생가능지역으로는 화전경작 산림지역, 강무장 등 사냥터, 봉수대 주변 산림지역, 병해충 구제를 위한 입화 가능지역이며 왕실묘 주변, 사고(史庫), 소나무 육림을 위한 산림인 금산 또는 봉산, 도성 숲은 산불보호대상지역에 포함되어 산불방지정책을 시행하였다. 민생안정에 관한 정책에서는 산불피해지역 백성을 위로하고 산불피해지 복구를 위해 어사를 파견하여 구휼토록 정책을 펼쳤다. 특히, 산불예방정책 시행을 위반하여 산불을 발생시킨 죄에 대해서는 엄하게 책임을 물어 귀양에서부터 사형에 이르는 처벌을 내렸다. 결론적으로 조선왕조시대에도 산불의 심각성으로 인해 조정 및 지방관서 등에서 여러 방지정책들이 시행되었다는 것을 알 수 있다.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.53
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• pp.9-33
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• 2017

The objective of this thesis is to take review historical awareness of Baek-Moonbo(白文寶, 1303~1374) who lived in late Goryeo. Baek-Moonbo became interested in Confuciaism, the influence of Gwon-bu(權溥) and Baek-ijeong(白?正), and worked hard to reform the old egime by focusing on the Confucian scriptures and trying to reform thepeople of the nation. Instead of returning to the principles of heresy, Baek-Moonbo attempted to reverse the topograpy divination theory, including the Confucian scriptures of the Buddist criptures, and attempted to eradicate the land system, including the Baebulsungyu(排佛崇儒) of the Confucian scriptures. Most important of all, the importance of social change was the significance of social change to the most efficient means of realizing the lives of the people in the society according to the social structure of the Confucian society. Actively speaking for the public in his time and having the same attitude as the Neo-Confucian scholars in the late of Goryeo, he kept criticizing the abuse of the power by powerful families who made the people fall into a state of distress and misery.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.59
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• pp.313-342
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• 2018

Gubong Song Ik-pil could not behave according to his aspiration directly due to restrictions in his social standing. Despite that, he actually did so indirectly through either close friends or younger students by exhibiting 'cheobyeonwigwon (處變爲權) with the goal of jichijuui (至治主義). He insisted on people-oriented politics grounded on cheonmyeongsasang (天命思想) and also suggested the humbleness of the royal family and jinhyulchaek (賑恤策) based on love of the people. In addition, he promoted public welfare and stability to enhance patriotism and also insisted on the policy of strengthening national defense with seoeolgongsacheon (庶?公私賤)'s provision of military service through the enforcement of yangcheonjongbujongmobeop (良賤從父從母法). Also, according to the letter sent to Lee San-bo, he suggested public service ethics, for instance, personally, getting rid of ulterior motives, exhibiting diligence, integrity, and wisdom, and doing one's utmost to handle tasks fairly without causing any problems and externally, being actively involved in managing and utilizing persons of ability and also relieving the poor and managing masters as well. In brief, we can assume that Song Ik-pil's thought of statecraft (經世思想) is the concrete methodology to reach the politics of kingcraft called 'jichi (至治)' by stabilizing public welfare grounded on benevolent and benign administration. He is often compared to Jegalryang on account of his innate qualities and cleverness. He was equipped with the excellent capacity of gyeongse even referred to as the moju (謀主) of four persons, Yi Yi, Seong Hon, Jeong Cheol, and Lee Gwi, and harshly criticized as a slick evil (奸鬼), too. His gyeongsesasang, however, ended up being incomplete due to restrictions in his social status. He was a person who loved the people more than anyone else, kept suggesting innovative reform plans to stabilize the people's lives, and was capable of practicing them all. His ideal of jichi was left unfulfilled, however.

• Korean journal of applied entomology
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.375-384
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• 2010

We tried to establish the history of outbreaks and control methods of 'hwangchung' in Joseon Dynasty, uncovering the biological reality of the 'hwangchung' (called hwang or bihwang) analyzed through the Database program on 'the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty' and 'the Emollment of Haegoeje', two of the finest examples of classical historical records. The total number of articles on the outbreak of the hwangchung is 261 in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty and 65 in the Emollment of Haegoeje. There were four peaks by hwangchung throughout the Joseon Era. Among them, the periods of King Taejo to King Sejong had the highest incidence. By comparing the number of records of the hwangchung from the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty with that in the Emollment of Haegoeje during the same period, results show the former was less than the latter, 35 vs 65. However, both records were relatively inconsistent with each other. Insect pests in forests as well as in agriculture were included in the biological identities of the hwangchung in the Joseon Dynasty periods, which is in accordance with those of Saigo's. The taxonomic identity could be confirmed in only 25 cases (9.5%) among the articles on hwangchung. It largely coincided with Paik's opinion: II in armyworm, nine in moth larva, one in rice stem borer, two in migratory locust, one in planthopper and one in rice-plant weevil. Therefore, it is not reasonable to regard hwangchung as a migratory locust or grasshopper only. The number of reports on the occurrence of hwangchung in the Annals of the Joseon Dynasty was 173 (66% of the total) and 47% of them were just simple reports, which means the report itself on the appearance of hwangchung was very significant. The reports on controlling insect pests were of low frequency, in 20% (34 cases) of the total reports, capturing insect pests or holding traditional ceremony called 'Poje'. Among them, only one case related to the treatment of seeds to prevent the damage by hwangchung was published in the King Sejong period. There were 37 discussions about changes and management of government policies due to disasters by hwangchung. They were mostly about relief or tax cut to the people who suffered damage and about cancellation of recruiting people to military training, constructing castles, and so on. It seems that not only the people but also the king was influenced by the hwangchung. In the case of King Seongjong, he referred to the stress of the prevention measure of locusts in 10 articles. The damage also had an effect on abdication in the reign of King Jeongjong.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.51 no.1
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• pp.48-65
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• 2018

The authors of this paper aim to make a record of the construction process, its symbolic meaning, and the changes in the status of the landscape plants at the Pasanseodang according to the Report on the Pasanseodang written by Park Gyu-hyun in 1874. First, the construction of Samgahun Pavilion, which is located in Myo-ri, Habin-myun, Dalsung-gun, Daegu, took about 90 years and spanned the lifetimes of Park Sungsoo, an 11th-generation descendant of Park Paengnyun (1417~1456) through to Park Kyuhyun, a 14th-generation descendant. It was called the shape of dragon, with its head facing the tail (回龍顧尾形), in feng shui. Second, the village of Pahwoe was founded in 1769, the 45th year of the reign of King Yeongjo, by Park Sungsoo for the purpose of socializing with his friends at his thatched home, and was named after his own courtesy name (Samgahun). Park Kwangseok, the second son of Park Sungsoo, built the sarangchae in 1826 and the anchae in 1869 after his marriage (in 1783). Then, Park Kyuhyun, the grandson of Park Kwangseok, built the pond and planted it with lotus flowers, and built the Hayeopjeong in 1874. The Pasanseodang, as the precursor of the Hayeopjeong, may be related with the name of the hillside region behind Samgahun. Third, a quadrangular-shaped pond with a length of 21m and a width of 15m was also built and planted with lotus flowers. In the center of the pond is a small round island that reflects the world view of the Chosun dynasty, i.e. that the sky is round and the landmass is quadrangular. Meanwhile, the name of the Hayeopjeon reflects the value system of aristocrats who lived a life of leisure and artistic indulgence. They called the eastern room "Yeeyeonhun" (怡燕軒) and the western room "Mongyangjae" (蒙養齋), names which embody their wishes for a good life as a member of the nobility and a bright future for one's descendants. Fourth, in Confucian terms, the authors infer the points of view reflected in the kinds of trees that were planted according to Confucian norms (pine tree, lotus, bamboo), the living philosophy of sustainability (willow), the ideology of seclusion and the search for peace of mind (bamboo), and relief efforts for the poor and a life of practicality (chestnut, oak, wild walnut, lacquer). The authors assert that this way of planting trees was a highly effective design feature of landscape architecture that drew on the locational and symbolic significance of the Seodang. Fifth, the majority of the trees that were initially planted withered and were replaced with different species, except for the locust and lotus, at this point. Nevertheless, a review of the process of construction, symbolic meaning, and original architectural landscape of the Samgahun is of value in demonstrating the extended symbolic meaning of their descendants in terms of the practical loss of the function of the Seodang, the values of Feng Sui (red in the east, white in the west, based on the principles of Feng Sui), the function of repelling evils spirits (kalopanax, trifoliate orange), aesthetic and practical values (sweetbrier, apricot, pear, peach, and oriental oak trees), and the prosperity of the family and the timeless value of honest poverty (silk, crape myrtle, and yew trees).