• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.63-82
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• 2011

한국사회 이념갈등을 다룬 대부분의 연구들은 이념갈등의 본질은 대북문제에 있으며, 이를 제외한 다른 정치사회적 이슈들에 대해서는 진보와 보수 간의 유의미한 차이가 없다고 밝히고 있다. 그러나 우리사회 현실을 볼 때 진보와 보수세력은 정치, 경제, 사회, 문화 등의 대부분의 이슈에 이해 첨예한 대립 관계를 형성하고 있다. 본 연구는 이에 대한 해답을 찾고자 한다. 본 연구에서는 이념측정의 방법과 분석틀에 있어 새로운 방법론을 제시한다. 우선 본 연구에서는 자기평가적 주관적 이념성향 대신 인간의 본성과 도덕성에 대한 태도, 사회개혁과 사회권위에 대한 입장 등으로 구성된 이념성향을 측정하였다. 또한 정책에 대한 입장이 개인의 이념성향을 결정하는 것이 아니라, 이념성향이 먼저 결정되며, 거기에 따라 정책에 대한 개인의 인식이나 입장이 나타나는 것이 논리적으로 타당하다고 본다.

• Informatization Policy
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• v.19 no.1
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• pp.25-44
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• 2012

This study examined the relationship among perception on information, purpose of information use, and trust in government. It also identified different patterns of groups by their ideological inclination via a national survey on sample population over the age of twenty. The result showed the statistical significance of the relationship among information perception, purpose of information use, ideological inclination, and trust in government. The analysis result implies that the role of government should be readjusted in terms of publicness toward meta-data provider which is transparent and fair without any discrimination by individual difference and economic condition. This will increase the level of trust in government data and its utilization will be tied into the individual connectedness for social integration. The role of government as an information provider needs to establish the role of mediator which always keeps social rules and tracks down violators in a timely manner in the process of information production. With transparent information flow and fair game, the richness of information and a positive production environment will be created.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.8
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• pp.180-191
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• 2016

This study utilized a semantic network analysis for Korean major newspaper articles concerning 'Bernie Sanders'. 'Bernie Sanders' promotes conservative values of 'Americana' as well as the progressive values of 'relieving inequality', and thus, perhaps he is a subject on which ideological differences between the press can be distinctively manifest. Upon comparison of the priority of frequency between the conservative press and progressive press, the conservative press frequently used the expressions, 'socialist' and 'black man', whereas the progressive press frequently used the expressions, 'inequality' and 'problem'. Both the conservative press and progressive press displayed particularly different semantic compositions with the term, 'Korea'. The progressive press aimed to express the criticism of social problems and established politics identified by Sanders in relation to the 'Korean' society, whereas the conservative press criticized the blunt expressions stating that a specifically named politician resembles Sanders, and the specific party and term of 'Korea'. A completely different disposition of reports from different perspectives and context was ascertained, regardless of the use of the same terms. Thus, it is demonstrated that the semantic composition of the press on a specific issue displays significant differences according to their ideological disposition.

• Proceedings of the KAIS Fall Conference
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• 2009.12a
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• pp.237-240
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• 2009

1844년 Rochdale Pioneers는 소비자 협동조합을 만들고 그 첫 번째 상점을 열었다. 이 소비조합을 통해 지역 주민에게 양질의 식품을 저렴한 가격에 제공했다. 이러한 유럽의 전통적이고 좌파성향의 경제적 분배이념이 발전하여 유럽의 사회적 기업의 발판이 되었다. 뿐 만 아니라 1991년 이탈리아에서는 주주나 소유주의 이익 산출보다는 공동체 또는 구성원을 위하는 사회적 경제 개념의 협동조합이 시작되었다. 1980년 아쇼카 재단의 설립자 빌 드레이튼은 슘페트에 의해 처음 소개된 '기업가정신'을 한 단계 높은 차원으로 끌어올렸다. 그는 기업가 정신을 사회적 혁신에도 적용하여 사회의 난제에 대해서도 창조적 파괴를 시도하자는 뜻에서 사회적'과 '기업가'를 합성하여 사회적 기업가 정신이라고 사용했다. 이러한 사회적 기업의 발전 과정에서 보면 유럽과 미국의 인식의 차이를 우리는 느낄 수 있다. 유럽의 경우는 좌파적 성향이 담겨져 있다. 유럽의 사회적 기업은 협동조합에서 알 수 있듯이 공평한 분배 개념에의 접근이다. 그에 비해서 미국의 경우는 우파적 성향이 강하다. 미국은 기업가 정신이 투철한 기업가가 많은 부를 축척하고 이렇게 축척된 부의 분배 과정에서 사회적 가치가 강조된다. 이러한 사회적 기업을 가능하게 하는 요인 중 하나가 사회적 자본으로 불리는 네트워크이다. 본 연구는 25개의 사회적 기업 실증을 통하여 생존을 위한 전략적 차원에서 네트워크의 다양성과 강도가 사회적 기업의 기업생존과 고용성장, 매출성장 나아가 권한위임에 정의 관계가 있음을 검증하였다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.66
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• pp.133-158
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• 2014

This research followed the major South Korean newspapers, Chosun, JoongAng, HanKyoreh and KyungHyang newspapers to study their relationship with advertisement - on how they use advertisement to what degree and which views they take, also looking into the quantity of advertisement. The results of analysis is as thus: first, the more advertised companies tended to have more news reports about them overall. Also, advertised companies were usually shown in positive light rather than a negative one. The most notable constructive commonality found in the positively advertised companies were that they were not usually introduced upfront through the title of the news article (or within the body of the article) but rather mentioned within the media frame. The reasons for this pattern in advertising is to make bias towards JoongAng which is obvious for pro companies, especially for the Chosun which is known for being neutral in most company matters even for the HanKyoreh, KyungHyang known for their usual negative attitude towards private companies.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.84
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• pp.152-188
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• 2017

This study stereotyped the media on the basis of ideological inclinations and media types and explored the news coverage through word analysis, network analysis, and frame analysis. There was no difference between conservative media and progressive media in terms of the amount of news. The conservative mainstream media considered the THAAD rumor as an unnecessary misunderstanding and a rumor based conflict of the south-south. The progressive mainstream media mentioned much about Hwang Gyoan, external influences, and lies and highlighted the government's opinion that there was external influence that spread a vicious rumor. Conservative media mentioned on the bringing about social disturbance and in case of progressive media mentioned social disturbance, and progressive media mentioned the responsibility of government and the attitude of conservative media about the diffusion of the rumor. In conclusion the press framed the THAAD rumor on the basis of their ideological inclinations instead of the role of journalist.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.56
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• pp.175-193
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• 2011

This study explored how South Korean newspapers covered North Korea's second nuclear test in May of 2009. Findings show that South Korean newspapers mostly reported North Korea's nuclear experiment in relatively negative tones. Their coverage mainly focused on the influences of nuclear threat from the North on the military, political and economic areas in South Korea. However, the media's agenda settings and frames were not similar in terms of each paper's political and ideological inclination. Whereas the progressive papers, such as the Hankyoreh and the Kyunghyang Shinmun, recognized that the current nuclear issue in Korean peninsula is getting worse because of South Korea's rigorous pressure on North Korea, the conservative papers, such as the Chosun Ilbo and the Donga Ilbo, see that the deadlock between North and South mainly comes from the system malfunction of North Korea. To prevent the current impasse, the left-side papers emphasized to develop the six-party talk in dealing with North Korean issue, while the right-wing papers paid attentions to the West's sanctions on North Korea and ensuring national security.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.51
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• pp.229-256
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• 2002

This study is about the relationship between traditional familism and welfare consciousness in Korea. Traditional familism is known as the value that most Koreans share with, and the impeding value for welfare program development. Strong family solidarity and family-centered perception among Koreans influences other social values and ideology. Especially, care of the family members is understood as a family duty and responsibility. And this inhibits Koreans to develop welfare consciousness and further to develop welfare programs at the governmental level. Thus, this study purposes to explore the relationship between the two. The sample of 1,131 men and women was selected in Seoul area. As a result, traditional familism is found to be quite influential to welfare consciousness among Koreans. First, perception of welfare institution is strongly related with welfare consciousness. The respondents in high familism group showed low welfare consciousness. Second, state-friendly welfare responsibility was shown low in the group of high familism for the aged and youth. In the same context, for the disabled and the unemployed, state-friendly welfare responsibility was shown high in the group of low familism. Lastly, the relationship between familism and the welfare need was not apparent. Such results make possible to conclude that traditional familism among Korean is still influential to welfare consciousness and welfare ideology. However, although this conclusion should not be used for an excuse to avoid state responsibility but used as a tool to develop a welfare model to strengthen family function as one solid family.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.50
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• pp.143-163
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• 2010

This study explores the headlines of the metro sections posted in the major domestic news media during 1998 and 2009 and examines if the media contribute to construction of the reality. The data were systematical sampled from three main evening news programs representing each broadcasting company and the seven major nationwide newspapers (n=53,765). Results suggest the selection of news items should be influenced by the property of the regime and the trend for the time. This influence led to similarity among the news media to some extent, which are partially explained by the objectivity principle guiding the whole process of news making. Meanwhile, there was clear difference among the news media in general, and between the medium (broadcasting vs. newspaper) and within a medium, more specifically. The difference can be explained by the interaction of the property of the regime and the trend for the time and other factors including journalistic paradigm and ownership of each company.

• The Journal of the Convergence on Culture Technology
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.579-585
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• 2023

The purpose of this study is to explore keywords within stalking-related news articles according to political orientation through the text network analysis, and then to examine the implicit intentions. Selecting total 1,607 articles including 824 articles of the conservative press(The Chosun Ilbo, The Joongang Ilbo) and 783 articles of the progressive press(The Hankyoreh, The Kyunghyang Shinmun) reported from January 1, 2018 to December 31, 2022, this study explored the aspect of topic category drawn through the topic modeling technique based on LDA(Latent Dirichlet Allocation). In the results of this study, the common topics of the conservative and progressive press were improvement of the perception of gender-based violence, personal protection & intensity of punishment, and disclosure of stalkers' personal information. Regarding the topics differently shown in those two press, the conservative press showed stalkers' harmful act, and outline of 'murder case at Sindang Station' while the progressive press showed request for aggravated punishment on the 'murder case at Sindang Station', and eradication of sexual exploitation crime (in cyber space). The results of this study imply that there are changes in the type of reporting according to ideological opinions about stalking in news articles.