• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.11
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• pp.151-166
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• 1969

I. Fffects of nitrogen supplying level and culture condition on the top growth aod tubers formation of Ipomoea Batatas. 1) The low level nitrogen (A plot) 3 Milliequivalent per liter of nutrient solution stimulated tuber formation while the high level nitrogen ($B_1\;and\;B_2$ plot) of 10 milliequivalent per liter failed to form tuber though fibrous roots were seen much activated. The suppressive effect of nitrogen on tuber formation in presumed to result from the direct suppressive effect of nitrogen or a certain biocatalystic effect rather than from any indirect effect through the stimulation to growth of tops or the competition with carbohydrates. 2) The addition of milligram urea to nutrient solution stimulated the growth and increased fresh weight and dry weight of the aerial part while suppressed, a little, plant length. 3) The water culture method, which this experiment newly adopted, stimulated plant growth more than the gravel Culture method. And the treatment of low level nitrogen (A plot) in this water culture also saw a considerable degree of tuber formation, as in the case of gravel culture. 4) The foliar application of growth retardant B-nine suppressed the plant length only, with no other recognizable effect. II. Fffects of urea supplying level on the growth of IPOMOEA BATATAS. 1) The higher level of urea which was absorbed tby roots through nutrient solution suppressed top growth, such as plant length, number of leaves and fresh weight. And this can be attributed to the direct absorption of urea which was not ammonificated. 2) Although the higher level of nitrate nitrogen (B plot) made no tuber formation in previous experiment (Report-1), the higher level of urea nitrogen (A plot) made tuber formation possible in this experiment. The ratio of tuber to top was, however, less in higher level of urea than in lower level of urea, and the suppressing effect was larger on tuber than on top. 3) The foliar application of urea stimulated top growth while the higher level of urea absorbed by roots suppressed it, though the amounts of urea supplied in two experiments were same. Ratio of top to roots was larger in foliar application of urea (C plot) and less in root absorption of urea both of higher (B plot) and lower urea levels (A plot). III. Fffects of growth retardant etc. on the growth of IPOMOEA BATATAS in relation to urea application. 1) B-nine (N-dimethyl amino-succinamic acid) is recognized as a growth retardant, suppressed the plant length irrespective of urea levels. The treatment of gibberellin stimulated distinctly plant length, and the combined treatment of gibberellin and B-nine recovered completely the plant length which had been suppressed by B-nine. 2) B-nine increased fresh weight, especially, fresh weight of top both in lower and higher level of The degree of fresh weight increase varied according to concentrations of B-nine, of which the 0.15% of B-nine ($B_1$ plot) was the effective in higher level of urea. The effect of B-nine for increasing fresh weight was the largest in top next in tuber, and the least in fibrous roots. The ratio of fibrous roots to top was always decreased by B-nine application, which the ratio of tuber to top was contrary increased by B-nine in higher level of urea though decreased in lower level of urea. 3) Gibberellin treatment also increased fresh weight but the combined treatment ($B_3$+GA plot) of gibberellin and B-nine was even more effective than any of single treatments. Gibberellin and B-nine proved to be synergistic with fresh weight while reverse with plant length. 4) Considerable influences were abserved mainly in the length of plants and their fresh weight after B-nine treatment. So that B-nine may be reguraded as a metabolic controller rather than as an antimetabolite. 5) The surpressed growth of plants cause by higher level of urea was normalized by B-nine treatment. This fact suggested a further study on the applicability for practical use.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.65-90
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• 1979

This study was conducted to establish the brewing method which would be useful for the production of Kochuzang. Kojis, which were made from various materials and microorganisms under a covered condition, were investigated and compared. Yeasts (Saccharomyces rouxii and Torulopsis versatilis) were added to Kochuzang, and the enzyme activity, microflora, chemical composition, nitrogen content, alcohol content and free sugars of Kochuzang were investigated and analysed. The results obtained are as follows: 1. Koji making (1) Glutinous rice-soybean group was superior to glutinous rice group in the saccharogenic and liquefying amylase activities of three day-Koji. (2) Protease activity (acid, neutral and alkaline) of glutinous rice-soybean Koji, which was inoculated with Aspergillus oryzae A, was increased till the 5th day, while other groups showed maximum activity after the 3rd day. (3) The maximum cellulose activity of Aspergillus oryzae B-Koji and A-Koji was observed after the 2nd day and the 3rd day, respectively. High cellulose activity of Aspergillus oryzae B-Koji and A-Koji was respectively shown in glutinous rice group and glutinous rice-soybean group at maximum. (4) Compared with glutinous rice Koji, glutinous rice-soybean Koji gave larger number of yeast and aerobic bacteria. 2. Kochuzang Fermentation (1) Each Kochuzang group shoved different liquefying and saccharogenic amylase activities. The highest activities were generally shown in 10 to 40 days after mashing and remarkably reduced in the last stage of aging. (2) Protease activities of each group were strong in order of acid, neutral and alkaline protease. Especially acid protease showed highest activity at the 40th to 50th day Kochuzang. (3) Each group showed maximum cellulase activity in the 40th and 50th day-Kochuzang and then decreased. (4) Osmophilic yeast of yeast-added Kochuzang after one-month aging was distinctively outnumbered compared with non-yeast-added Kochuzang, but two groups were similar after two months. (5) Yeast-added group and non-added group gave almost the same number of halophilic lactic acid bacteria in Kochuzang, but the non-added group gave slightly larger number of aerobic bacteria than the yeast-added group. (6) Amino nitrogen contents in all test group were increased rapidly till the 60th day of Kochuzang aged. After that the contents were increased slowly. (7) Ethyl alcohol contents of 20day-fermented Kochuzang were high in order of Saccharomyces rouxii-added group, Torulopsis versatilis-added group, Saccharomyces rouxii and Torulopsis versatilis mixed group and non-yeast-added group. But all test group showed about 2% in ethyl alcohol content after 40days of aging. (8) Alcohol content in the 7 month-aged Kochuzang of all test groups was high in order of ethyl alcohol, n-butyl alcohol, n-propyl alcohol and iso-propyl alcohol. Torulopsis versatilis-added group had the highest value of ethyl alcohol, n-propyl alcohol and n-butyl alcohol. (9) Reducing sugar in Kochuzang was increased after 20 days of aging compared with the 10days-ferment. The reducing sugar content in Saccharomyces rouxii-added group was distinctively small compared with that of other groups, decreasing after 30days of aging. (10) Rhamnose, fructose, glucose and maltose were isolated from the 10 day fermented Kochuzang. Raffinose was also found after 300 days-aged group, and fructose content was high in the 300days-aged Kochuzang. However, glucose content was smaller than that of 10days-fermented Kochuzang. (11) For the organoleptic tests of Kochuzang, taste, flavour and color of yeast-added group were superior to the non yeast-added group. Especially the complex yeast group among the yeast added groups were the best of all. Yeast-added group after 300 days of aging took higher paint in flavour test than that of non-added group. Therefore, brewing method like complex yeast added group seems to be advantageous for short time brewing Kochuzang.

• Applied Biological Chemistry
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• v.7
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• pp.105-117
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• 1966

This experiment was conducted to investigate the effet of phthalimido-methyl-O,O-dimethyl-phosphorodithioate (Imidan) known as an acaricide and its possible metabolic products on the growth of plant, when sprayed on the leaves of rice plant. The results are summarized as follows. 1) Possible metabolic products of Imidan, the following compounds were synthesized or recrystallized for the present experiment a) N-Hydroxymethyl phthalimidem b) Phthalimide c) Phthalamidic acid d) Phthalic acid e) Anthranilic acid f) p-Amino benzoic acid g) p-Hydroxy benzoic acid h) Benzoic acid 2) Among the above materials, a), c), d), e), and Imidan were dissolved in a buffer solution respectively to be 10 and 20 p.p.m. and tested with the wheat coleoptile straight growth method. According to the results, Imidan inhibited the growth of coleoptile in both 10 and 20 p.p.m., whereas the others showed much better growth than the control, especially phthalamidic acid in 10 p.p.m. It appears that Imidan itself inhibits the coleoptile growth, whereas the metabolites derived from Imidan through various metabolisms, including hydrolysis in plant tissues show growth-regulating activity. (refer: Table 1, Fig. 1) 3) 20, 100 and 200 p.p.m. solutions of Imidall emulsion in xylene f·ere prepared. The lengths of shoot and root of rice seeds germinated on the re-respective media were measured after 12 days. The data showed that root was much more elongated in Imidan 20 p.p.m., whereas shoot in Imidan 100 p.p.m., respectively, than in the xylene control. An interesting finding was that xylene used as solvent had a tendency to inhibit seriously the root growth of rice seed. (refer: Table 2,5). 4) The emulsions of concentrations in 10, 25, 50 and 100 p.p.m's of control, Imidan, N-hydroxy methyl phthalimide, anthranilic acid, and phthalmide, respectively, were sprayed twice on the rice plant on pot. After a certain period of time lengths of rice culms were measured, showing that plots treated with Imidan and N-hydroxy methyl phthalimide exhibited much more growth than those of control and the others. 5) Loaves and stems of rice plant were sampled and extracted with dried acetone at the intervals of 3-, 5-, 7-, and 14 days after treated with Imidan 250 p.p.m. emulsion. This sample extracted with acetone was purified by means of prechromatographic purification method with acetonitrile and paperchromatographed to detect the following metabolic products. Imidan (Rf: 0.97-0,98), N-hydroxy-methyl phthalimide (Rf: 0.87) phthalimide (Rf: 0.86-0.87), phthalamidic acid (Rf: 0.13-0.14), phthalic acid (Rf: 0.02-0.03), benzoic acid (Rf: 0.42-0.43), p-amino benzoic acid or p-hydroxy benzoic acid (Rf: 0.08-0.09), and unidentified compounds (Rf: 0.73, 0.59, 0.33, 0.23. 0.07). In addition, in the early stages, such as 3- and 5 days nonhydrolyzed Imidan and its first hydrolytic product, N-hydroxymethyl phthalimide were detected in relatively large amounts, whereas in the last stages of 7- and 14 days due to further decomposition, the afore-mentioned two materials were reduced in the amount and p-hthalic, phthalamidic, benzoic, and p-Hydroxy benzoic, or p-Amino benzoic acids were detected in a considerably large amount. It is, therefore, believed that most of Imidan applied to the leaves of rice plant may be decomposed within almost 14 days. In the light of above observations it is considered that Imidan itself is not involved in plant growth regulating activity, whereas various phthaloyl derivatives produced in the course of metabolism (namelr, enzymic action) in plant tissues may have such effect.

• Journal of The Korean Society of Grassland and Forage Science
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• v.32 no.1
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• pp.59-74
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• 2012

Buffer solubility and protein fractionation were evaluated from the hays (timothy, alfalfa and klein) and straws (tall fescue and rice), and $In$ $vitro$ trial was conducted to examine the effect of buffer extraction on fermentation characteristics, degradability and gas ($CO_2$ and $CH_4$) production. Buffer soluble protein (SP) content and A fraction in total protein were highest in alfalfa hay as 61% and 41.77%, respectively while lowest in rice straw (42.8% and 19.78%, respectively). No difference was observed in B1 fraction among forages but B2 fraction was slightly increased in klein hay (12.34%) and tall fescue straw (10.05%) compared with other forages (6.34~8.85%). B3 fraction of tall fescue was highest as 38.49% without difference among other forages while C fraction was highest in rice straw. pH in incubation solution was higher in all forages after extraction than before extraction at 3h (P<0.01) and 6h (P<0.05), and pH from hays of timothy and alfalfa was higher than the other forages at 6h (P<0.05) and 12h (P<0.001). Regardless of extraction, ammonia-N concentration from alfalfa hay was increased at all incubation times and extraction effect was appeared only at 3h incubation time (P<0.01). Total VFA concentration from alfalfa hay was highest up to 24h incubation while those from tall fescue straw and rice straw were lowest. Buffer extraction decreased (P<0.01~P<0.001) the total VFA concentration. Acetic acid proportion was increased (P<0.001) before extraction of forages but no difference was found between forages. Propionic acid($C_3$) proportion was also increased(P<0.001) before extraction in all forages than in straws at 3h, 24h and 48h incubations, and $C_3$ from hays were mostly higher (P<0.05) than from straws. Butyric acid proportion, however, was not affected by extraction at most incubation times. Parameter 'a' regarding to the dry matter (DM) degradation was increase (P<0.001) in all forages before extraction, and was decreased (P<0.05) in tall fescue straw and rice straw compared with hays. Parameter 'b' was also increased (P<0.001) before extraction but no difference was found between forages. Effective degradability of DM (EDDM) was higher (P<0.001) before extraction in most forages except for rice straw. Buffer extraction decreased (P<0.05) all parameters (a, b, and c) regrading to the crude protein (CP) degradation but no difference was found between forages. Effective degradation of CP (EDCP) was lower (P<0.05) in straws than in hays. Parameters 'a' and 'b' regarding to the NDF degradation (P<0.01) and effective degradability of NDF (EDNDF, P<0.001) were also higher in forages before extraction than after extraction but no difference was found between forages. Buffer extraction reduced (P<0.05~P<0.001) $CO_2$ production from all the forages uo to 24h incubation and its production was greater (P<0.05~P<0.01) from hays than straws. Methane ($CH_4$) production was also greater (P<0.01~P<0.001) in all forages at all incubation times, and its production was greater (P<0.05) from hays than from straws at most incubation times. Based on the results of the current study, it can be concluded that buffer solubility and CP fractionation might be closely related with $In$ $vitro$ VFA concentration, degradability and gas ($CO_2$ and $CH_4$) production. Thus, measurement of buffer solubility and protein fractionation of forages might be useful to improve TMR availability in the ruminants.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.47 no.1
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• pp.37-43
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• 1980

This study have done to get the basical information that would be useful to make the ecological planting, selection of suitable species and weeding plan by the relation between the leading shoot elongation of several species and the climatic factors in the plantation. Sampling measurement have been done in the trial forest of Korean German Forest Management Project located in Joil-ri, Samnam-myeon and Ichcon-ri, Sangbug-myeon, Ulju-gun. The former is in lowland at 100m latidude and the latter is in highland of 600 m latitude. The elongation of leading shoot has been measured in the plantation with 10 days interval from the beginning of March in 1979 and the climatic datas has gotten in the weather station closed to the plantation. 1. The change of air temperature and rainfall in each measuring site is like Fig 1. and 2. The similar temperature in 600 m high latitude is coming about 10 days latter than 100 m latitude. 2. Genus pine as Pinus thunbergii, P. rigida, P. rigitaeda. P. koraiensis and P. taeda begin their leading shoot growth during March and air temperature in that time is around $6^{\circ}C$. In highland their beginning of leading shoot elongation has been found out 10 days latter than lowland. However Abies, Larix and Picea has shown to open their leading shoot during May, 40 days late in comparing with genus pine, and then temperature is making around $15^{\circ}C$. But Cryptomeria, Chamaecyparis and Cedrus deodora has shown their leading shoot opening in March in lowland and May in high land. The reason of late opening, specially in highland, seems to be the influence of winter frost. 3. Most of leading shoot elongation of genus pine has finished during the end 10 days of April and May under range of air temperate $10^{\circ}C$ and $20^{\circ}C$ and other species has finished most of their elongation during the end 10 days of May and June with air temperature range of $18^{\circ}C$ to $20^{\circ}C$. So the suitable season of weeding works show to genus pine in May and other species in June. 4. The leading shoot growth of genus pine has started earlier and closed earlier too than other species and, when over than $20^{\circ}C$ air temperature, their growth is decreasing quickly. Pices abies as well show to be decreased suddenly in over than $20^{\circ}C$ temperature. Other species show the similar trend when over than $22^{\circ}C$. This reason is considered as high temperature of summer season. 5. Annual elongated days of leading shoot of Picea abies is 50 days, Abies hollophylla 70 days, and more than 85 percentage of shoot growth of Pinus koraiensis and Larix leptolepsis are growing during 70 dys as well. The shoot growing days of Chamaecyparis, P. rigida, P. rigitaeda, P. taeda and P. shunbergii show longer period as over than 120 days. 6. The shoot elongation times per year of Abies and Picea has closed as one times and Genus pine is continuring their elongation more than two times. But Cryptomeria, Chamaecyparis, Cedrus deodora and Larix show one or two times elongation depending on the measuring site. The reason of continuring elongation more than than two times seems to be influenced by the temperature in summer season except the genetical reason. 7. Depending on the above results, as the high temperature in summer season could give the influence to grow the leading shoot in the plantation, this would be the considering point on the ecological planting and selection of the suitable species to the slope aspect. The elongation pattern by the season show to be the considering point too to decide the the weeding and fertilizer dressing time by the species.

• Food preservation and processing industry
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.6-12
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• 2009

면역반응은 외부 감염원으로부터 신체를 보호하고 외부감염원을 제거하고자 하는 주요항상성 유지기전의 하나이다. 이들 반응은 골수에서 생성되고 비장, 흉선 및 임파절 등에서 성숙되는 면역세포들에 의해 매개된다. 보통 태어나면서부터 얻어진 선천성 면역반응을 매개하는 대식세포, 수지상 세포 등과, 오랜기간 동안 감염된 다양한 면역원에 대한 경험을 토대로 얻어진 획득성 면역을 담당하는 T 임파구 등이 대표적인 면역세포로 알려져 있다. 다양한 면역질환이 최근 주요 사망률의 원인이 되고 있다. 최근, 암, 당뇨 및 뇌혈관질환 등이 생체에서 발생되는 급 만성염증에 의해 발생된다고 보고됨에 따라 면역세포 매개성 염증질환에 대한 치료제 개발을 서두르고 있다. 또한 암환자의 급격한 증가는 암발생의 주요 방어기전인 면역력 증강에 대한 요구들을 가중시키고 있다. 예로부터 사용되어 오던 고려인삼과 홍삼은 기를 보호하고 원기를 회복하는 명약으로 알려진 대표적인 우리나라 천연생약이다. 특별히, 홍삼은 단백질과 핵산의 합성을 촉진시키고, 조혈작용, 간기능 회복, 혈당강하, 운동수행 능력증대, 기억력 개선, 항피로작용 및 면역력 증대에 매우 효과가 좋은 것으로 보고되고 있다. 홍삼에 관한 많은 연구에 비해, 현재까지 홍삼이 면역력 증강에 미치는 효과에 대한 분자적 수준에서의 연구는 매우 미미한 것으로 확인되어져 있다. 홍삼의 투여는 NK 세포나 대식세포의 활성이 증가하고 항암제의 암세포 사멸을 증가시키는 것으로 확인되어졌다. 현재까지 알려진 주요 면역증강 성분은 산성다당류로 보고되었다. 또 한편으로 일부 진세노사이드류에서 항염증 효능이 확인되어졌으며, 이를 통해 피부염증 반응과 관절염에 대한 치료 효과가 있는 것으로 추측되고 있다 [본 연구는 KT&G 연구출연금 (2009-2010) 지원을 받아 이루어졌기에 이에 감사드린다]. 면역반응은 외부 감염물질의 침입으로 유도된 질병환경을 제거하고 수복하는 중요한 생체적 방어작용의 하나이다. 이들 과정은 체내로 유입된 미생물이나 미세화학물질들과 같은 독성물질을 소거하거나 파괴하는 것을 주요 역할로 한다. 외부로 부터 인체에 들어온 이물질에 대한 방어기전은 현재 두 가지 종류의 면역반응으로 구분해서 설명한다. 즉, 선천성 면역 반응 (innate immunity)과 후천성 면역 반응 (adaptive immunity)이 그것이다. 선천성 면역반응은 1) 피부나 점막의 표면과 같은 해부학적인 보호벽 구조와 2) 체온과 낮은 pH 및 chemical mediator (리소자임, collectin류) 등과 같은 생리적 방어구조, 3) phagocyte류 (대식세포, 수지상세포 및 호중구 등)에 의한 phagocytic/endocytic 방어, 그리고 4) 마지막으로 염증반응을 통한 감염에 저항하는 면역반응 등으로 구분된다. 후천성 면역반응은 획득성면역이라고도 불리고 특이성, 다양성, 기억 및 자기/비자기의 인식이라는 네 가지의 특징을 가지고 있으며, 외부 유입물질을 제거하는 반응에 따라 체액성 면역 반응 (humoral immune response)과 세포성 면역반응 (cell-mediated immune response)으로 구분된다. 체액성 면역은 침입한 항원의 구조 특이적으로 생성된 B cell 유래 항체와의 반응과 간이나 대식세포 등에서 합성되어 분비된 혈청내 보체 등에 의해 매개되는 반응으로 구성되어 있다. 세포성 면역반응은 T helper cell (CD4+), cytotoxic T cell (CD8+), B cell 및antigen presenting cell 중개를 통한 세포간 상호 작용에 의해 발생되는 면역반응이다. 선천성 면역반응의 하나인 염증은 우리 몸에서 가장 빈번히 발생되고 있는 방어작용의 하나이다. 예를 들면 감기에 걸렸을 경우, 환자의 편도선내 대식세포나 수지상세포류는 감염된 바이러스 단독 혹은 동시에 감염된 박테리아를 상대로 다양한 염증성 반응을 유도하게 된다. 또한, 상처가 생겼을 경우에도 감염원을 통해 유입된 병원성 세균과 주위조직내 선천성 면역담당 세포들 간의 면역학적 전투가 발생되게 된다. 이들 과정을 통해, 주위 세포나 조직이 손상되면, 즉각적으로 이들 면역세포들 (주로 phagocytes류)은 신속하게 손상을 극소화하고 더 나가서 손상된 부위를 원상으로 회복시키려는 일련의 염증반응을 유도하게 된다. 이들 반응은 우리가 흔히 알고 있는 발적 (redness), 부종 (swelling), 발열 (heat), 통증 (pain) 등의 증상으로 나타나게 된다. 즉, 손상된 부위 주변에 존재하는 모세혈관에 흐르는 혈류의 양이 증가하면서 혈관의 직경이 늘어나게 되고, 이로 인한 조직의 홍반과, 부어 오른 혈관에 의해 발열과 부종이 초래되는 것이다. 확장된 모세혈관의 투과성 증가는 체액과 세포들이 혈관에서 조직으로 이동하게 하는 원동력이 되고, 이를 통해 축적된 삼출물들은 단백질의 농도를 높여, 최종적으로 혈관에 존재하는 체액들이 조직으로 더 많이 이동되도록 유도하여 부종을 형성시킨다. 마지막으로 혈관 내 존재하는 면역세포들은 혈판 내벽에 점착되고 (margination), 혈관벽의 간극을 넓히는 역할을 하는 히스타민 (histamine)이나 일산화질소(nitric oxide : NO), 프로스타그린딘 (prostagladins : PGE2) 및 류코트리엔 (leukotriens) 등과 같은 chemical mediator의 도움으로 인해 혈관벽 사이로 삼출하게 되어 (extravasation), 손상된 부위로 이동하여 직접적인 외부 침입 물질의 파괴나 다른 면역세포들을 모으기 위한 cytokine (tumor necrosis factor [TNF]-$\alpha$, interleukin [IL]-1, IL-6 등) 혹은 chemokine (MIP-l, IL-8, MCP-l등)의 분비 등을 수행함으로써 염증반응을 매개하게 된다. 염증과정시 발생되는 여러 mediator 중 PGE2나 NO 및 TNF-$\alpha$ 등은 실험적 평가가 용이하여 이들 mediator 자체나 생성관련효소 (cyclooxygenase [COX] 및 nitric oxide synthase [NOS] 등)들은 현재항염증 치료제의 개발 연구시 주요 표적으로 연구되고 있다. 염증 반응은 지속기간에 따라 크게 급성염증과 만성염증으로 나뉘며, 삼출물의 종류에 따라서는 장액성, 섬유소성, 화농성 및 출혈성 염증 등으로 구분된다. 급성 염증 (acute inflammation)반응은 수일 내지 수주간 지속되는 일반적인 염증반응이라고 볼 수 있다. 국소반응은 기본징후인 발열과 발적, 부종, 통증 및 기능 상실이 특징적이며, 현미경적 소견으로는 혈관성 변화와 삼출물 형성이 주 작용이므로 일명 삼출성 염증이라고 한다. 만성 염증 (chronic inflammation)은, 급성 염증으로부터 이행되거나 만성으로 시작된다. 염증지속 기간은 보통 4주 이상 장기화 된다. 보통 염증의 경우에는 염증 생성 cytokine인 Th1 cytokine (IL-2, interferone [IFN]-$\gamma$ 및 TNF-$\alpha$ 등)의 생성 후, 거의 즉각적으로 항 염증성 cytokine인 Th2 cytokine(IL-4, IL-6, IL-10 및 transforming growth factor [TGF]-$\beta$ 등)이 생성되어 정상반응으로 회복된다. 그러나, 어떤 원인에서든 면역세포에 의한 염증원 제거 반응이 문제가 되면, 만성염증으로 진행된다. 이 반응에 주로 작용을 하는 염증세포로는 단핵구와 대식세포, 림프구, 형질세포 등이 있다. 암은 전세계적으로 사망률 1위의 원인이 되는 면역질환의 하나이다. 산화적 스트레스나 자외선 조사 혹은 암유발 물질들에 의해 염색체내 protooncogene, tumor-suppressor gene 혹은 DNA repairing gene의 일부 DNA의 돌연변이 혹은 결손 등이 발행되면 정상세포는 암화과정을 시작하게 된다. 양성세포 수준에서 약 5에서 10여년 후 악성수준의 암세포가 생성되게 되면 이들 세포는 새로운 환경을 찾아 전이하게 되는데 이를 통해 암환자들은 다양한 장기에 동인 오리진의 암세포들이 생성한 종양들을 가지게 된다. 이들 종양세포는 정상 장기의 기능을 손상시켜며 결국 생명을 잃게 만든다. 이들 염색체 수준에서의 돌연변이 유래 암세포는 거의 대부분이 체내 면역시스템에 의해 사멸되는 것으로 알려져 있다. 그러나 계속되는 스트레스나 암유발 물질의 노출은 체내 면역체계를 파괴하면서 최후의 방어선을 무너뜨리면서 암발생에 무방비 상태를 만들게 된다. 이런 이유로 체내 면역시스템의 정상적 가동 및 증강을 유도하게 하는 전략이 암예방시 매우 중요한 표적으로 인식되면서 다양한 형태의 면역증강 물질 개발을 시도하고 있다. 인삼은 두릅나무과의 여러해살이 풀로써, 오랜동안 한방 및 민간에서 원기를 회복시키고, 각종 질병을 치료할 수단으로 사용되고 있는 대표적인 전통생약이다. 예로부터 불로(不老), 장생(長生), 익기(益氣), 경신(經身)의 명약으로 구전되어졌는데, 이는 약 2천년 전 중국의 신농본초경(神農本草經)에서 "인삼은 오장(五腸)을 보하고, 정신을 안정시키고, 혼백을 고정하며 경계를 멈추게 하고, 외부로부터 침입하는 병사를 제거하여주며, 눈을 밝게 하고 마음을 열어 더욱 지혜롭게 하고 오랫동안 복용하면 몸이 가벼워지고 장수한다" 라고 기술되어있는 데에서 유래한 것이다. 다양한 연구를 통해 우리나라에서 생산되는 고려인삼 (Panax ginseng)이 효능 면에서 가장 탁월한 것으로 알려져 있으며 특별이 고려인삼으로부터 제조된 고려홍삼은 전세계적으로도 그 효능이 우수한 것으로 보고되어 있다. 대부분의 홍삼 약효는 dammarane계열의 triterpenoid인 ginsenosides라고 불리는 인삼 saponin에 의해 기인된 것으로 알려져 있다. 이들 화합물군의 기본 골격에 따라, protopanaxadiol (PD)계 (22종) 및 protopanaxatriol (PT)계 (10종)으로 구분되고 있다 (표 1). 실험적 접근을 통해 인삼의 약리작용 이해를 위한 다양한 노력들이 경주되고 있으나, 여전히 많은 부분에서 충분히 이해되고 있지 않다. 그러나, 현재까지 연구된 인삼의 약리작용 관련 연구들은 심혈관, 당뇨, 항암 및 항스트레스 등과 같은 분야에서 인삼효능이 우수한 것으로 보고하고 있다. 그러나 면역조절 및 염증현상과 관련된 최근 연구결과들은 많지 않으나, 향후 다양하게 연구될 효능부분으로 인식되고 있다.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.18
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• pp.413-444
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• 2009

This paper is an analysis of stage and performance elements for the ceremonial procedures and dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan, a feast celebrating the 60th birthday of Hyegyeong-gung Hongssi (Crown Princess Hong of Hyegyeonggung), the mother of King Jeongjo, which took place in Hwaseong haegung palace in 1795. The primary sources used are data on bongsudangjinchan recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyojeongriuigwe, Jeongjo-sillok, Hongjae-jeonseo, pictorial sources such as Folding Screens of Hwaseong-neunghaeng and Hwaseong Ilgi, which is a journal in Korean by Yi Hui-pyeong. A court ceremony to offer music, dance, flowers, and food, as well as wine and poetry which express the sentiments of chung (fidelity) and hyo (filial piety) was considered a national ceremony and has constituted a unique musical culture during the 500 years of Joseon dynasty. However, after the fall of Joseon dynasty, ceremonial music and dance, which have been organically linked within the overall symbolic system of ye (courtesy), became scattered to become independent 'pieces.' As a result, all of their philosophy, principles, and the time-space interpretation of court music and dance became greatly reduced, leaving only the artistic expression and formal structure of the music and dance to become emphasized. Since the 1990s, there has been many research and events aiming to re-create the court ceremonial tradition, resulting in the increase of the related performance activities. This is especially true with bongsudang-jinchan, which is now being performed on modern stage in various forms. However there are still many problems to be solved, such as the issue of re-creating and restoring the original, and the question of artistic value found in the traditional pieces. Until now, much focus has been paid to the outer re-construction of uiju document as recorded in Wonhaeng-eulmyo-jeongriuigwe. On the other hand, there lacked an in-depth study which analyzes the stage situation and performance elements. Therefore in this paper, after focusing on the stage structure and performance elements, it is concluded that bongsudang-jinchan, the only court feast to be held in Haeng gung, not only consists of the fundamental aspects of court performance principle as 'governing through ye and ak (music),' but also served as an important occasion to bring together the sovereign and the subject. Bongsudang-jinchan had features of both naeyeon (feast for ladies) and oeyeon (feast for gentlemen). It minimized the use of screens and allowed every guest to enjoy food, music, and dance together, but provided a separate tent for foreign guests, maintaining the ideal balance between equality and distinction among different gender and social status. A screen symbolizing the venue for the feast is placed for all of the government officials. The king then pronounces the beginning of the banquet in which the ideal of gunsin-dongyeon (king and officials dining together) is realized. This indicates that bongsudang-jinchan, compared to other court ceremonies that emphasize the principle of yeak (courtesy and music), focuses more on the spirit of harmony and rapprochement. The king played a more active role in bongsudang-jinchan than in any other royal feasts. Examples as recorded in uiju documents are; Jeongjo's conversation with his retainers after the 7th wine, king's bestowing of food and flowers to the officials, writing his own majesty's poems with regard to the festival, and asking the retainers to write replying poems. All these played an important part in making the occasion more rich, extensive, and meaningful. Moreover, as analysis of the structure of orchestral music and court dance featured in bongsudang-jinchan shows, it was like any other court banquet in that it employed minimal use of extravagance in movements and conversation. However, the colors and tonal texture used in the music and dance were more brilliant in this case. Compared to other banquets that took place before king Jeongjo, the dance style was more diverse, which included some of the latest additions. There were past performances arranged anew. Noteworthy are; the incorporation of "Seonyurak (Boat Dance)" and "Geommu (Sword Dance)," traditionally used for local officials and civilians feast, to suit the court taste; and the use of saenghwang (mouth organ), which was a rising instrument in pungnyubang (literati's private salon), for "Hakmu (Cranes Dance)." This especially indicates the nature of the 'open structure' pursued by the court banquets at the time, which strove to break away from the traditional rules and customs and accept something new.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.1-24
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• 1981

Kangweon-Do is rich in sightseeing resources. There are three sightseeing areas;first, mountain area including Seolak and Ohdae National Parks, and chiak Provincial Park; second eastern coastal area; third lake area including the watersheds of North Han River. In this paper, several methods of forestation were studied for landscaping the North Han River watersheds centering around Chounchon. In Chunchon lake complex, there are four lakes; Uiam, Chunchon, Soyang and Paro from down to upper stream. The total surface area of the above four lakes is $14.4km^2$ the total pondage of them 4,155 million $m^3$, the total generation of electric power of them 410 thousand Kw, and the total forest area bordering on them $1,208km^2$. The bordering forest consists of planned management forest ($745km^2$) and non-planned management forest ($463km^2$). The latter is divided into green belt zone, natural conservation area, and protection forest. The forest in green belt amounts to $177km^2$ and centers around the 10km radios from Chunchon. The forest in natural conservation area amounts to $165km^2$, which is established within 2km sight range from the Soyang-lake sides. Protection forest surrounding the lakes is $121km^2$ There are many scenic places, recreation gardens, cultural goods and ruins in this lake complex, which are the same good tourist resources as lakes and forest. The forest encirelng the lakes has the poor average growing stock of $15m^3/ha$, because 70% of the forest consists of the young plantation of 1 to 2 age class. The ration of the needle-leaved forest, the broad-leaved forest and the mixed forest in 35:37:28. From the standpoint of ownership, the forest consists of national forest (36%), provincial forest (14%), Gun forest (5%) and private forest(45%). The greater part of the forest soil, originated from granite and gneiss, is much liable to weathering. Because the surface soil is mostly sterile, the fertilization for improving the soil quality is strongly urged. Considering the above-mentioned, the forestation methods for improving landscape of the North Han River Watersheds are suggested as follows: 1) The mature-stage forest should be induced by means of fertilizing and tendering, as the forest in this area is the young plantation with poor soil. 2) The bare land should be afforested by planting the rapid growing species, such as rigida pine, alder, and etc. 3) The bare land in the canyon with moderate moist and comparatively rich soil should be planted with Korean-pine, larch, ro fir. 4) Japaness-pine stand should be changed into Korean-pine, fir, spruce or hemlock stand from ravine to top gradually, because the Japanese-pine has poor capacity of water conservation and great liability to pine gall midge. 5) Present hard-wood forest, consisting of miscellaneous trees comparatively less valuable from the point of wood quality and scenerity, should be change into oak, maple, fraxinus-rhynchophylla, birch or juglan stand which is comparatively more valuable. 6) In the mountain foot within the sight-range, stands should be established with such species as cherry, weeping willow, white poplar, machilus, maiden-hair tree, juniper, chestnut or apricot. 7) The regeneration of some broad-leaved forests should be induced to the middle forest type, leading to the harmonious arrangement of the two storied forest and the coppice. 8) For the preservation of scenery, the reproduction of the soft-wood forest should be done under the selection method or the shelter-wood system. 9) Mixed forest should be regenerated under the middle forest system with upper needle-leaved forest and lower broad-leaved forest. In brief, the nature's mysteriousness should be conserved by combining the womanly elegance of the lakes and the manly grandeur of the forest.