• The Critical Review of Religion and Culture
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• no.31
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• pp.255-287
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• 2017

This paper analyzes the religious circuit of suicidal concept based on verbal expression and ritual acts, which are found in the suicide discourse of Korean Catholic Church and Protestant Church. In the relationship of suicide and religion, it is easily overlooked the religious circuit and its construction that forms the concept of suicide among the religious laymen. It is assumed that the belief system of traditional religions prohibits suicide and the laymen accordingly construct a perception or concept of suicide along with this belief system. Various studies on this subject have proved it. However, in order to understand the religious way of constructing the concept of suicide on a personal level, it is necessary to pay attention to the religious environment in which the concepts and emotions of suicide circulate. The laymen do not passively and perfectly accept the finely established suicide concept provided by the doctrine or the theology. Rather, the laymen tend to collect the pieces of concept over the suicide that are drifting in the religious environment of his/her daily routine life and to make an concept of suicide in an incomplete form. We can find the unstable and imperfect traits of such a suicide concept through the experience of suicide survivors who have a religious background. For the suicide survivors with religious beliefs, they resist the formal doctrinal and theological provisions to suicide, or try to understand the notion of suicide in their own contexts. In terms of linguistic expressions and ritual acts relating to suicide, the attentions are differently directed in the public and the private domain among the religious groups. Considering on the high rates of suicide in Korean society, the Korean Catholic Churches are increasingly tolerant over the suicide and accept it in the public sphere. It is unlikely when comparing to the negative attitudes of the suicide in the past. However, such tolerance does not go beyond the doctrinal and ethical judgment that defines suicide as a serious sin. The once-committed lay believer's speech and gestures usually contain the various emotions, such as sadness, grief, anxiety, regretfulness, eagerness, and pain in the private spheres. The language and gestures with these emotions have been activated in the religious circuits of suicide, being extended to the religious apparatus for the person who died of suicide. In case of Protestantism, the institutional organizations, such as the particular denominations and the individual-churchism of the Korean Protestant Churches, and their own interpretations of the Bible have in the private sphere strongly effected on the linguistic expressions and the rituals related to the suicide. The religious-ethical judgment of the suicide is varied how the suicide is interpreted by the theologians and the pastors. And the ritual acts for healing the complex feelings and the psychological wounds of the suicide survivors are not actively explored and adopted yet. It makes harder to approach and heal the protestant followers since they emphasize the innermost belief and the salvation assurance faith.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.1
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• pp.64-81
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• 2019

Jeju Island is located at a strategic position, making it an important waypoint on the sea routes of East Asia. As a result, the island suffered many foreign invasions throughout history. Especially, it is widely known that Japanese pirates frequently invaded the island as the island was located on their way as they were sailing to China. Therefore, they built various defensive structures across the island. Fortresses, where a small number of defenders may fend off an enemy, were built in multiple places on the island. This was a strategy for the island to defend itself, as it was almost impossible to get prompt support in an emergency from the mainland due to the long distance. Fortresses, or walled cities, were the center of politics, culture, and economy of many areas. Therefore, they are a valuable resource to study the history and geographical characteristics of a place. For this reason, studies on fortresses started quite early on. However, studies on such relics in Jeju Island began very late. The research on fortresses was launched during the Japanese occupation for most mainland areas. However, studies on the relics on Jeju Island began as late as the 1970s. This was because scholars did not understand the importance of the city walls and fortresses on Jeju Island, and there were no researchers who specialized in city walls or fortresses on the island, as well. As archeological research on Jeju Island began to gain momentum, the studies on city walls and fortresses saw progress; however, these studies are still of an elementary level. In this study, the author summarized the status of studies on the city walls and fortress relics in Jeju Island and their preservation/maintenance status by era. According to the findings of this study, there were two Corean-era city wall/fortress relics and thirteen from the Chosun era., The researcher analyzed and presented the status of studies and the current condition of the relics. The status of attached structures was also documented.Furthermore, a short review of the maintenance work performed so far was provided. Also, the researcher mentioned the problems that accompanied the maintenance process of these relics, along with suggestions for improvement that could be referred to in future restoration/maintenance projects.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.3
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• pp.16-31
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• 2013

This study addresses how the main group of community ritual changed as the regional community changed during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea with emphasis on Gwanseongmyo in Jangchung-dong, Seoul. First, almost every regional community was changed because of city planning which was carried out by Japan in Korea for colonial exploitation and for the use of military bases. Mapo-dong and Seobinggo-dong were the appropriate examples. The city planning projects by the Japanese colonial government selected Jangchung-dong as the place of settlement of many Japanese people. The stream, Cheonggyecheon, made a border between the Korean and Japanese settlements and the traditional system of regional community in Jangchung-dong was changed and reorganized considerably. Second, the Japanese government used the rituals of regional community purposefully to combine them with the ceremony in the Japanese shrine. Those who supported Japan performed the regional rituals and tried to follow the policy of 'Rule of Culture' required by the Japanese colonial government. However, most regional rituals continued as they were before Japan's colonial rule of Korea without any change. Under this new trend the ritual of Gwanseongmyo was changed from the ritual for worshipping Guan Yu to that of the regional community. Last, the main groups that led the rituals of regional community were diversified during the period of Japan's colonial rule of Korea. In other words, the rituals of community used to be led by the families that lived in the region for generations before Japan's colonial rule of Korea. However, they were later led by various groups that emerged as a result of the colonial rule, urbanization, commercial development, regional differentiation, and so on. As an example,Yeongsinsa of Gwanseongmyo,which was the main group to lead the ritual of Gwanseongmyo, shows that the regional community rituals were extended to worshipping Guan Yu. The members of the main group to lead the ritual were pro-Japanese senior officials who were formerly military officers. This shows that the main groups leading the regional community rituals were further diversified.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.45 no.1
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• pp.148-173
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• 2012

The rear garden in Donggwol Palace which shared with the Changdeok Palace and the Changgyeong Palace is the salient places of technology and idea reflected the phases of the times of the Joseon Dynasty, so it is certainly one of the best Korean garden cultures. The rear garden in Donggwol which was not only the secret garden for the rest of royal family but also used as symbolic places for the various ceremonies and training its human resources has been considerably destroyed through the period of Japanese colonial rule. Thus the rear garden areas at north of Changkyung Palace were entirely transformed and a few territory from Juhabru(宙合樓) to Ongnyucheon(玉流川) keep up its surviving as the rear garden. The area of Jondeokjeong(尊德亭) which become subject on this studies from among these was constructed as flower garden after development of Ongnyucheon. The areas of Simchujeong(深秋亭), Cheoknoedang(滌惱堂), Pyemwoosa(?愚?), Mangchunjeong(望春亭), Chunhyagak(天香閣), Chungsimjeong(淸心亭) around Jondeokjeong, were situated among the beautiful scenery with the flowers and ponds. But there are only Jondeokjeong and Pyemwoosa at this moment, and the other pavilions was destroyed and transformed. For these reasons, in this studies, the formative purposes were investigated through analysing water elements, planting, ornaments and so on. According to these reasons, historical records and realities of garden construction of five pavilions : Simchujeong, Mangchunjeong, Cheoknoedang, Chunhyagak, Chungyeongak(淸燕閣) were considered to give authenticity to the restoration and reorganization as well as to accumulate basic knowledge about the conservation of environment surrounded garden architectures. These pavilions appeared at Gunggwolgi(宮闕志) and Joseonwangzosilok(朝鮮王朝實), but their names were not appeared at Donggwoldo(東闕圖). So they were ascertained through all of literatures on Donggwol Palace. Cheoknoedang and Simchujeong among these buildings could be found out as the existed buildings and the uncertain building at the northwest of Jondeokjeong was estimated as the name to Chunhyagak or Mangchunjeong. And the hypothesis that the wall surrounding Taichungmoon(太淸門) should be belong to Chungyeongak was supported. In addition, the area which did not known in connection with name and use on northeast at the Changdeok Palace, and had regarded as an impasses in the studies of Donggwoldo and the rear garden in Donggwol Palace, but the historical records of using by Yeonsangun(燕山君) and Sukjong(肅宗) were discovered at this study. And it could be uncovered that the obscure spatial space was a separate house only for king and he enjoyed play there unnoticing to others belong to palace.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.30
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• pp.123-159
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• 2010

Dongyi (Chinese: 東夷; pinyin: $D{\bar{o}}ngy{\acute{i}}$; Wade-Giles: Tung-yi; literally "eastern 'barbarians'") was a collective term for people in eastern China and in the east of China. People referred to as Dongyi vary across the ages. The early Dongyi culture was one of earliest neolithic cultures in China. According to the earliest Chinese record, Zuo Zhuan, the Shang Dynasty was attacked by King Wu of Zhou, while attacking Dongyi, and collapsed afterwards Dongyi culture was one of the oldest neolithic cultures in China. Some Chinese scholars extend the historical use of Dongyi to prehistoric times, according to this belief, the neolithic culture correlates to Houli culture, Beixin culture, Dawenkou culture, Longshan culture and Yueshi culture, five evolutionary phases. Deliang He, thinks that Dongyi culture used to be one of the leading cultures in neolithic China. The writing system of Dongyi was one of the oldest writing systems in neolithic China. There are opinions that the 20 pictogram characters discovered in a Dongyi tomb (山東?縣大汶口墓葬) in Shangdong indictates some of the characters found, like "旦, 越, 斤, 皇, 封, 酒, 拍, ?", are still used in Chinese characters. There are also opinions that Dongyi people were the inventor of arrows. Some classic Chinese history records like Zuo Zhuan, Shuowen Jiezi, Classic of Rites, all have some similar records about this. [3][4] The legendary god of archery in Chinese mythology, Houyi, could also be a Dongyi leader. Based on archeology findings, Dongyi people's ancestral worship totem is bird-shaped. In the meantime, The fundamental thing that Koreans should do is to find out Korean identy. Koreans cannot achieve their goals unless they enforce politics economics, educations, etc. in harmony with their own identity. However, some people say that Koreans do not have any dentity on the grounds that there is no Korean traditional thought. This view is, however, absolutely absurd because it is impossible for a nation to exist for oner five thousand years without having it's own native characteristics. The most essential thought in Korean identity is Confucius' In(仁). In is originated from Yi(夷) or Yi-jok(夷族)'s heart. On this account, Confucius' In can be a precious thought to Korean people who have been suffering from many problem caused by the absence of Korean identity. If Korean could understand their original characteristics and if Korean couldrealize that their original characteristics are Confucius' In, then our culture and identity recovery of though may maximize efficiency of country and society development.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.3
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• pp.132-150
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• 2022

Designated as a national intangible cultural asset, the fish weir is a traditional fishing method and was a leading fishing tool in Korean coastal fishery. As the littoral sea area fishing vessel fishery developed since the 1970s, traditional fishing methods including fish weirs began to decline. The fish weir has been passed down in the form of tools such as fish weirs, stone weirs, and bamboo weirs. In Namhae-gun and Sacheon City in Gyeongsangnam-do, anchovies are caught using bamboo weirs. A basic bamboo weir consists of a fish trap(balgong), a space where fish gather together, and a V- or U-shaped wooden fence(halgaji) that helps fish come inside the fish trap. Its fishing method is to catch fish that have come to the coast during high tide alongside those are stuck inside fish traps(balgong) with nets or scoop nets. This paper examined the process of passing down traditional fishing methods through a comparative analysis of the bamboo weir structures and fishing methods in the Namhae and Sacheon regions. First, the historical process of assembling the current bamboo weir structure was analyzed. The bamboo weir, a fishing tool, appears to have combined the features of past weirs and fish weirs based on the Jijok Strait and Samcheonpo Strait. Next, this paper examined the structure and fishing method of the two types of bamboo weirs made with a circular or square fish trap(balgong) where fish gather. Through this analysis, this study examined the lives of fishermen who have adapted to their natural environment and actively utilized obtainable resources(materials), and then changed the traditional fishing method of bamboo weirs and developed them into an appropriate technology. Lastly, a new value attributed to anchovies caught using bamboo weirs was analyzed. This new value extracted from better bamboo weir anchovies works as a mechanism to uphold the tradition of anchovy-catching bamboo-weir fishing, which produces a smaller amount of anchovies compared to other methods of anchovy fishing. In this way, bamboo weir fishing has been passed down as a result of its differentiated aspect of producing better anchovies than those produced with other fishing methods, as well as the historical aspect of it being a traditional fishing method.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.41
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• pp.219-255
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• 2020

This article was triggered by Victor H. Mair's book 'Painting and performance'. The book explained that Buddhist paintings are common in the area where Buddhism was spread, and there are also performances using them. And although it has nothing to do with Buddhism, it has been shown that this form of performance can be global. However, the problem was not 'Korea'. It was because there was no record or transmission of the corresponding performance soon. In this situation, the landing method of Samcheok stable temple was announced in 2018. On the one hand, the academic community is very pleased, but on the other hand, it is troubled. The worries are summed up as 'synchronic and diachronic universality'. Is the landing method inherited from the Samcheok stable temple a unique type of temple? Otherwise, it is a question of whether it has been passed down or is it universal at the national level. However, prior to this essential question, we do not yet know the full picture of the stable landing method. So this article was prepared to show the overall outline of the stable landing method. There is a 'picture' in common throughout the landing method, and understanding how to operate it in various ways is the first step in understanding the landing method. There are five repertoires (which are called main halls) that are considered important, and more than that. What these repertoires have in common is the narrative structure of a Buddhist character. In this narrative, the most important thing is the revised figure, and it was the earthly method to inform the contents of the revised figure in various ways. In the case of Byeonsangdo, which serves as a clue to the narrative, there was a problem that could not be seen in the evening without light, which required special design. It is the way of shadow play and Yeongdeung. In other words, there are three types of performances in the landing method. The first is the method of using reparation, and the second is the method of using shadow. The third is the way of eternity. This method is not a selection based on the contents of the repertoire, but a selection based on the performance environment. If there is light and you can see the picture, use reparation. However, in the evening, it was impossible to see it dark (when there was no electricity in the past). The use of the visual method as a tool in this method is to confirm the transition to a visual culture that is a step further from the level of culture. Moreover, unlike the epic narrative, the power of the implied image provided an opportunity for viewers to experience the mystery of Buddhism through emotional stimulation.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.40
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• pp.223-268
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• 2020

In contemporary Theatre, the case of inducing direct communication between the audience and the performance is prominent. Especially with the development of digital technology, the audience wants a personalized experience. The emergence of 'immersive Theatre' in this trend has attracted great attention both at home and abroad. In particular, the most important role in the emergence of the concept of 'immersive Theatre' is the British punchdrunk Theatre. Their representative performance began to premiere in London in the UK in 2003 and has expanded to include New York and China in Shanghai and continues to be extremely popular until 2019. In general, a review of existing studies on the role of the audience in shows that the focus is on the participation of the audience. What experience will be given to the audience can not be emphasized in contemporary Theatre. In order to satisfy the diverse needs of the audience, contemporary Theatre are increasingly showing complexity that cannot be explained by any one theory. The same goes for . This is because each audience wants a personalized experience, and there are differences in experience depending on the environment in which the audience also grew up, knowledge, culture, and taste. This study selected Punch Drunk's as a performance that can represent contemporary Theatre, and conducted a study on the role of audience in contemporary Theatre. To this end, we have historically explored past discussions about the role of the audience and discussed the characteristics of the role of the audience in contemporary Theatre. Next, I analyzed in detail the experience of the researcher "He" who watched the performance with the researcher on the role of the audience in . In conclusion, the experience of the audience in is diverse and complex. In other words, the role of the traditional audience in the proscenium play, as well as the audience as a participant in the post-drama play, was also complex in the performance. And this complexity was not a coincidence, but a planning strategy for the Punchdrunk Theatre. Therefore, when discussing the role of the audience in contemporary Theatre, there should be a discussion that clearly sees the complex characteristics of contemporary Theatre through the approach from various perspectives, rather than merely one view of the audience as a participant. something to do.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.23
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• pp.63-103
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• 2011

This paper inquires closely into the background of pansori gosu(drummer) and his social position based on documents and oral materials and the performance features of gosu in the entire process of pansori performance, 'preparation', 'performance' and 'aftermath', focused on the relationship between the changja(singer)-gosu. In the past, some gosus were ex-tightrope performers. Their social position and working conditions were better than that of the ex-tightrope performers but were worse than that of the pansori singer. After 1910's, people formed some special sense about the gosu due to the change of the space for pansori performances and the technological advances on the media, and gosu's conditions improved. The theory of pansori drum gradually began to be established well. The function and the role of gosu in the whole process of pansori performance may be summarized as follows. To begin with, the training with various and a lot of singers is required in the 'preparation'. Rehearsals are divided into individual practices and joint practices, and the latter can be controlled by the level of the capacity of gosu and the degree of the experience between chanja-gosu. Next, bobiwi(flattering drumming) and chuimsae(encouraging remarks) are important in tbe 'process'. The gosu has to share the speed of one jangdan(rhythmic patterns) and the accent of the sori and adjust his enery. Besides, he has to acknowledge the naedeureum(beginning sign) and reply with changja's singing. In formal performances, working in harmony with changja and gosu and their joint experiences are necessary for the gosu; in pansori contests, giving chanja a stability; in contests for gosu, drumming skill, position, chuimsae; in small performances and new adaptation of pansori, cheap fees and positive response of the transformational play or ad-lib; in lecturer concerts, reacting quickly to rapidly changing situations. Chuimsae is way which gosus and audiences express their feeling together, however, its context and sound are different. Finally, 'aftermath' is a process the pair of chamgja and gosu mutually evaluates about performance or audiences estimate that.

• Sim-seong Yeon-gu
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• v.32 no.2
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• pp.122-168
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• 2017

I tried to understand a folk tale "The half-boy" in terms of analytical psychology. In the story, a lady without children prayed to the Buddha. The white old man came and gave three fishes, but the cat ate half of it. So, she ate two and a half. She gave birth to two perfect sons. The third son had one arm, one leg, and one eye. They grew well. Brothers went to take the civil service examinations, and the half-boy followed. But two brothers did not like the half-boy coming along. So, brothers tied the half-boy to the rocks and trees, and he picked them up with force and gave them down to the yard of the house. And the half-boy followed his brothers again, and brothers tied him with kudzu and put him in front of the tiger. The half-boy won the tiger by betting with cutting kudzu. The half-boy stripped off the tiger's skin. The host coveted the tiger skin and they played with janggi. The half-boy won the game and was permitted to take host's daughter. The half-boy went with a string, a drum, a flea, and a bedbug. He teased host's people with these. The half-boy brought a virgin and lived well. "The Half-Boy" folktale is an old story spread throughout the country. There are similar stories in India and Africa. Unilateral figures are universally distributed archetypal images. In numerous cultures gods and spirits are being portrayed as unilateral figures. In the creation mythology, half-figure beings have immortality. In Indonesian and African folk tales, the half-born boy goes to heaven and merges with its half and becomes perfect. Some of one-sided spirits are harmful to humans but some of one-sided birds, chickens, and spirits are helpful to people. Sometimes half being is a cultural hero who steals grain from heaven or gets some advice how to use bamboo. There are stories that half body becomes a whole body afterwards. But in this folktale and most of the similar folktales, half-figure does not change and maintains half-figure to the end. And as a half-figure he does various great things and marries a virgin. The half-boy symbolizes a psychic experience born in the unconscious. The unconscious contents may seem strange and weird at first and the collective consciousness does not want to accept them. But the unconscious exerts greater power and brings vitality and creativity to consciousness. This folk tale seems to have compensated for the stubborn collective consciousness of our society, which was a Confucian class society. It also allows people to change their attitude toward disabled people and recognize strengths and creativity of the handicapped.