• Journal of Korea Fair Competition Federation
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• no.135
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• pp.2-14
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• 2007

공정거래법은 공법으로 원칙적으로 주무부처인 공정위가 부당한 공동행위의 합의에 대한 추정을 실질적인 경쟁을 제한한다고 판단할 수 있는 정황사실을 통해서 입증해야 할 책임이 있다. 개정된 법조문 내용은 입증 책임을 법집행당국인 공정위가 맡는다는 측면에서는 긍정적으로 판단된다. 기존 독점규제법 제19조 제5항의 법률적 성격을 법률상의 추정규정으로 해석할 경우 부당한 공동행위의 경우 형사소추 대상이 되는 범죄행위로 간주되어 기존 법 제19조 제5항의 법률상의 추정규정이 형사사법체계와 부조화되거나 혹은 실질적 죄형법정주의에 반하는 문제도 금번 법 개정으로 상당히 해소될 것으로 예상된다.

• 주택과사람들
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• s.155
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• pp.20-21
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• 2003

오는 7월부터 ''도시 및 주거환경 정비법''이 시행되면 공동주택 시장은 크게 변할 것으로예상된다. 이 법은 그 동안 개발지상주의가 팽배해 있던 공동주택 시장을 성장관리 체제로 전환해 관리하겠다는 의도에서 출발했다. 이 법이 시행되면 향후 재건축사업은 도시계획 차원에서 관리가 가능해지고, 그 동안 수많은 사업추진 과정에서 나타난 비리와 잡음이 차단되는 등 운영관리 측면에서 긍정적인 변화를 기대할 수 있게 된다. 하지만 이러한 내부적인 변화에도 불구하고 도시 및 주거환경 정비법의 도입은 공동주택 시장에 여러 가지 문제점을 노출할 우려가 높다.

• Journal of Korean Historical Folklife
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• no.27
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• pp.267-361
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• 2008

This article traces how the modern Chinese "nation" was constructed as an "imagined community" around Huang-ti (the Yellow Emperor) in late Qing. Huang-ti was a legendary figure in ancient China and the imperial courts monopolized the worship of him. Many late Qing intellectuals appropriated this symbolic figure and, through a set of discursive strategies of "framing, voice and narrative structure," transformed him into a privileged symbol for modern Chinese national identity. What Huang-ti could offer was, however, no more than a "public face" for the imagined new national community, or in other words, a formal structure without substantial contents. No consensus appeared on whom the Chinese nation should include and where the Chinese nation should draw its boundaries. The anti-Manchu revolutionaries emphasized the primordial attachment of blood and considered modern China an exclusive community of Huang-ti's descent. The constitutional reformers sought to stretch the boundaries to include the ethnic groups other than the Han. Some minority intellectuals, particularly the Manchu ones, re-constructed the historic memory of their ethnic origin around Huang-ti. The quarrels among intellectuals of different political persuasion testify how Huang-ti as the most powerful cultural symbol became a site for contests and negotiations in the late Qing process of national construction.

• The Journal of Information Technology
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.113-131
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• 2002

The purpose of this study is to investigate the influences of transaction information and reputation about alliance partner on opportunism and alliance performance. In this study, a structural model and several hypotheses were developed regarding the relationships between transaction term, transaction records, reputation of alliance partner, opportunism, and alliance performance. Based on the collected data, the structural model was analyzed with Lisrel 8.12. The results can be summarized as follows. First, the longer the transaction term, the lower the opportunism and the higher the perceived alliance performances. Second, the better the transaction records, the lower the opportunism and the higher the perceived alliance performances. Third, the reputation of alliance partner company has not any influence on the opportunism and the perceived alliance performances. Finally, the lower the opportunism of alliance partner, the higher the perceived alliance performances. At the end of the paper, managerial implications and future research directions are discussed.

• Journal of the Semiconductor & Display Technology
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.129-135
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• 2019

4M D램 공동연구 개발사업(1986.10~89.03)은 당시 미 일의 강력한 기술보호주의를 극복하기 위한 자구책으로 시작되었다. 국내 반도체업계는 선진국의 높은 기술장벽 및 기술보호주의를 극복하고, 강력한 경쟁력확보 및 기술축적을 위해 정부에 건의하였다. 이에 정부는 적극적인 자금지원을 통해 4M D램 개발 및 주변기술 개발을 목표로 초고집적반도체기술공동개발사업을 수행하게 되었다. 본 공동R&D사업은 ETRI의 주관으로 당시 금성반도체, 삼성전자, 현대전자산업 등의 반도체 업체와 학계가 참여하였고, 1986년 10월부터 1989년 3월까지 3단계에 걸쳐 수행되었다. 공동연구의 목적은 설계, 공정, 조립, 검사 등 4M D램 제조와 관련되는 기본기술개발과 함께 $0.8{\mu}m$ 선폭의 4M D램을 개발하는 것이며, 이를 위해 단계별 목표를 설정하고 관민연의 혼연일치로 추진되었다. 1차년에는 중요 핵심기술개발, 2차년에는 $0.8{\mu}m$ 4M D램 Working-die개발, 3차년에는 수율 20%의 $0.8{\mu}m$ 4M D램 양산시 제품을 목표대로 완료하였다. 각 연구단계별로 주요 핵심기술에 대한 연구평가가 실시되었으며, 관련기술에 대한 중복투자 방지를 위해 2차년도부터 분담연구가 수행되었고, 상호 기술공유를 위한 기술교류회가 활발히 이루어졌다. 또한 R&D수행을 통해 4M D램 Working-die를 2차년도 중반에 개발완료하였으며, 3차년도에는 4M D램의 20% 수율확보와 공정기술의 최적화 및 DB 구축을 수행했다. 공동R&D 방식에서도 기업간 경쟁체제 도입에 입각하여 동기유발 형태로 진행되었다. 정부는 자금적 지원으로 기업간의 경쟁 심리를 자극하는 전략을 추진했다. 선두기업인 삼성에게는 선행적 개발 지위에 비례하여 더 많은 지원을 부여하는 대신에, 삼성의 기술성과를 다른 기업에게로 확산시킴으로써 반도체 3사 전체의 기술능력을 향상시키는 전략을 추진했다. 본 사업이 성공적으로 수행되어 반도체 제품의 세계시장 점유율제고, 국제수지 개선, 반도체 핵심기술 조기확보뿐만 아니라 16M D램급 이상 차세대 반도체기술 개발의 교도보가 되었다.

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.13 no.1
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• pp.111-125
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• 2010

For a shift to a new paradigm that allows restoring solidarity among class, gender, and race, it is necessary to closely investigate the differences between Marxist view and poststructuralist view which provide theoretical basis for labor movement and for feminist movement, respectively. However, little effort has been devoted to this task. This paper critically compares two best wellknown geographers; Harvey's class-centered theory and Gibson-Graham's post-structuralist feminist approach by focusing on their understandings of "difference". David Harvey argues that racial/gender discrimination is another form of class-exploitation and puts priority on the solidarity based on the commonality of labor. On the contrary Gibson-Graham argues that the privileging of class above all else marginalizes other political dimension, and proposes the deconstruction of hegemonic discourse of capitalism and the construction of "community economies", Based on the critical survey of both theories, I propose that understanding the role that spatiality plays in capital accumulation process is the key to compromise two different approaches.

• (The)Korea Educational Review
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• v.22 no.3
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• pp.169-192
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is to investigate the relations between religious socialism and education of Martin Buber(1878~1965), a theistic existentialist. Buber suggested religious socialism as an alternative to modern capitalist society which has many problems. Buber's religious socialism is based on the communitarianism of Hasidism. Buber considered 'true' socialism must be based on decentralized associations, not based on centralized state apparatuses. For establishing this kind of socialism, human will and mind are the most important. Thus, education takes a very important role in the process of social transformation. According to Buber, education and pedagogy should contribute to overcoming modern society's problems by pursuing the construction of community(true socialist society). For Buber, education for individuals' character and education for building community are not separated but combined. That is, although education takes a main role in the social transformation, it should not be considered just as an instrument for the social transformation. This is the main distinction between Buber's thought and other key socialists' thoughts on social transformation and education, because many of socialists who stress the role of education in the process of social transformation, tend to regard education as an instrument for the social transformation. According to Buber, education can contribute to social transformation without being an instrument for the social transformation. These ideas of Buber on religious socialism and education have important implications for educators and educationalists who hope education contributes to solving problems of modern society.

• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.51 no.2
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• pp.269-281
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• 2016

This article problematizes and interrogates the idea of 'community' which is increasingly important in Korean urban policy-making. For the purpose, this article scrutinizes, and compares, how ordinary citizen participants and civil society activist organizations in a 'community garden' program of Seoul make sense of, utilize, and practice the policy concept. The neo-Faucauldian perspective of 'governmentality' is employed to understand the association between the community-focused policy program and neoliberalism, but Barnett's( 2005) call for 'bottom-up governmentality' is taken seriously in order to avoid any deterministic interpretation. On the basis of this eclectic perspective on governmentality, this article presents empirical findings that may suggest a contestation over community between ordinary citizens and civil society activists. More specifically, ordinary citizen participants prioritize place-based, on-the-ground community experiences that are built on common cultivation practices, whereas civil society activists tend to consider community garden as a teleological governmental technology generative of particular citizen subjects. Civic community garden advocacy as such aims to address social, economic, and spatial problems that neoliberalsim has produced, but it also appears to be in a close association with neoliberal urban policy. Thus, the community activism's meaningfulness lies in its active intervention to neoliberal urban policy, but a gap between ordinary practical achievements and civic activism can be a potential danger to urban community policy. On the basis of this discussion, this article asks more detailed investigations about the taken-for-granted positivity of urban community (re)vitalization programs, and also examinations on whether and how such projects generates emergent tensions between ordinary achievements and policy prescriptions.

• Journal of Christian Education in Korea
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• v.65
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• pp.215-241
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• 2021

New models for prison ministry are crucial during the current era of mass incarceration in America-a time when the potential reach of prison ministries can grow as the population of incarcerated individuals grows. In this article, I lift up one prison ministry in New Jersey as an example of how Christian evangelicals who are engaged in traditional prison ministry can bravely open their minds and hearts to models of religious education that go beyond individual conversion toward communal transformation. In this article I present an example of a neo-evangelical group named Jericho Ministries, Inc., a prison ministry that understood this and consequently tried to develop a prison ministry that was not only a charitable endeavor, but also a just one.

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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• v.117
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• pp.161-189
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• 2011

This thesis aims to examine the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism, which was actively debated post-1990's in the West. The paper will focus on the concepts of morality and ethics of Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" in order to connect the discussions on communitarianism and liberalism to our society's political reality. Specifically, through the introduction of Hegel's point of view, this paper will shed new light co the concept of communitarianism, which was viewed from the perspective of political philosophy within the West post-1990's. Through "Philosophy of Law," Hegel imbues a critical and fundamental meaning to modern ethical-political order. For Hegel, Kant's acceptance of morality has a foundational and compositional meaning for the concepts of law and nation. This paper will discuss this topic within the boundaries of Hegel's morality and ethics and regard this as a chance to look back on our political situation with a regretful introspection. International and national reviewers tend to regard the various perspectives of Hegel's philosophy of law as inspirational. However, it seems that the fundamental introspection of why our reality must adhere to his philosophy is lacking. Based on this concern, the paper aims to examine Hegel's "Philosophy of Law" to apply his perspectives to our political reality for a fundamental self-evaluation.