• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.72
• /
• pp.299-327
• /
• 2018

The objective of this study is to examine the regional distribution of Ssireum(Traditional Wrestling) of South and North Korea in the Japanese colonial era. The conclusions of this study are as follows. First, the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" showed the record of performing 272 times of Ssireum in 226 regions of the whole nation. Second, the Ssireum of South Korea could be divided into five regions. Seoul/Gyeonggi-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok while Chungcheong-do performed Ssireum in Baekjung and Chuseok. Jeolla-do and Gyeongsang-do performed Ssireum in Chuseok while Gangwon-do performed Ssireum in Dano and Chuseok. Third, the Ssireum of North Korea could be divided into three regions. All the Hwanghae-do, Pyeongan-do, and Hamgyeong-do performed Ssireum the most in Dano. Fourth, as the period when Ssireum was held the most in the whole nation, Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok could be pointed out. Ssireum has the characteristics of large-scale play between village communities or regions, instead of individual game. Thus, the Ssireum that was played as a sport event under certain rules for a long time was settled down as a folk play of regional festivals such as Dano, Baekjung, and Chuseok. Fifth, as a folk play and a representative play of seasonal customs, Ssireum was distributed in the whole nation and handed down till today under the regional deviation of South and North Korea. Sixth, the unidentified regions of South Korea that did not perform Ssireum were six places including five dos such as Gapyeong Gyeonggi-do, Boseong Jeollanam-do, Jeju-do, Gunwi and Cheongsong Gyeongsanbuk-do, and Inje Gangwon-do. The regions of North Korea were six places including three dos such as Pyeongyang, Yangdeok, Gangdong, and Gaecheon of Pyeongannam-do, Bakcheon Pyeonganbuk-do, and Dancheon Hamgyeongnam-do. Total 12 places in eight regions were included. Seventh, the number of total items of play names presented in the "Joseon ui hyangto orak(Folk play in Joseon)" was about 6,400 types. Out of them, about 1,300 types were the items including how to play while about 5,100 types were the items presenting the play names only without explanations. Especially, in case of Ssireum, the periods of the lunar calendar were only specified in each region. Unfortunately, it was not possible to check the contents about the actual performance methods and types of Ssireum as they were omitted.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.56
• /
• pp.209-239
• /
• 2014

Aimed to the aesthetic implication about being a source of Akryul of 'Sungkijiwon' study in this paper. Akyul was kibonyulof HwangjongYul from ancient times. Hwajongyul consists of Yaungyuland Eumyoe, namely 12yul. Sungkijiwon was a role of seedling fundamental to the structure of the Hwangjongyul.Akyul is seen in nature. Nature which is the root of Akyul, it is inherent fully to human So that is the origin of Whangjongyul the source of the sound that the human kee of the fully implicit a world Sungkijiwon. The Sungkijiwon soon 'JeckjajIsong'. JeckjajIsong' is A first Ho, respiration that at birth the human, and the height of the sound is constant sound at this time. This sound is Preserving intact the nature of the human, Seong, Eum. Ack of Ackyul was derived from the expression from a nature of humun. Has a feature that is evident in the degree of Dosu always in the process of being extended to Yaungyul and Eumyoe, is 'original Sungkijiwon. Sungkijiwon comes from Wonkee of Taekuk of Habsanweil. The fundamental Dosu originate from 1. Hwangjong is calculated Kee including 1. 1 of Taekuk 1 of Eum and 1 of Yaung. This is a 3 and 1, the combined Yum-Yaung around Taekuk Similarly, 1 of chun, 1 of gi, 1 of In are three Samjae, And become 1, premier In of chun ji. Yulyoe is generated a 12yul. Yulryo becomes the kijuneum having Habsanweil through the differentiation, and generates the 12yul. Therefore it is possible to know that is based on humanistic a source of neutralizing beauty also original ackyul.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.73
• /
• pp.153-184
• /
• 2018

The aim of this thesis was to examine the circumstances that led up to successful coin use across the entire nation in 1678 (the $4^{th}$ year of King Sukjong's reign), during the Joseon Dynasty. To this end, this thesis analysed the Sa-Mouk(事目, Provisions) that contained the institutional protocol for coin circulation, implemented by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk(金堉) who had practical experience in these matters over the ten years of King Hyojong's reign(1649-1659). To regulate the problematic wide circulation of coarse cotton cloth as currency in the market of 1650 (the $1^{st}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), prohibition measures were implemented. Besides the superficial justification given for these measures(i.e., that the market price was disturbed by the use of coarse cotton cloth), there was another purpose to prohibiting the circulation of cotton cloth as money, following the standard ruled by the government: the state aimed to ensure momentum for the upcoming coin circulation policy, by strengthening its control of the current economy. In 1651 (the $2^{nd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), the government fully cracked down on the use of coarse cotton cloth as currency, and simultaneously implemented its coin circulation policy in the Pyeongan(平安) region. The pretext for this policy was to raise finances to support people who were starving as a result of poor harvests and famine. People who received coins from government officials could purchase food in the market, and the coin circulation policy was judged to be successful. Subsequently, to extend coin circulation further throughout the region, the Sa-Mouk for Seoul was established. The Sa-Mouk included stipulations regarding the use of coin in transactions and for government expenditure; it aimed thereby to enhance the national policy's market credit. The hasty implementation of the policy for the expansion of coin circulation caused some problems that required its modification. In 1652 (the $3^{rd}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), coin circulation was increased to encompass the Gyeonggi(京畿) region, and some of the tax that had been paid in rice was now paid in coin. However, coins were in short supply, since there was insufficient copper, the main material used in coin production, and the policy faced a significant limitation. Therefore, in 1655(the $6^{th}$ year of King Hyojong's reign), a new Sa-Mouk for coin circulation was established. This Sa-Mouk included specifications regarding the determination of coin values based on rice and silver, and mandated the wide spread installation of stores for exchanging spot goods for coins throughout the region in which coins were circulating. This policy's objective was to secure stability for the national economy by further regulating coin circulation. The sustained implementation of the coin circulation policy for ten years by King Hyojong and the statesman Kim Youk offered the government an opportunity to accumulate experience in coin circulation in the market, and also to learn from institutional trial and error. This may have been one of the contributing factors to the nation-wide coin circulation that was established in 1678. The objective of the policy implemented during King Hyojong's reign was not to meet the market's requirements, but rather to ensure the preservation of the national economy, and this misjudgement constituted the policy's key limitation. At this time, the government urgently needed to secure finances to cope with the war against China's Qing Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
• /
• no.49
• /
• pp.357-392
• /
• 2012

An author is bound to reflect his or her own thinking and inclination in his or her works. The previous studies on Changam(蒼巖), however, mostly discussed the aesthetics in the forms of his introductions and works, hardly addressing his thinking reflected in his works. Recognizing that he had the "reactionism tendency" unlike the Bukhak-School(北學派), which was the cultural mainstream of the days, this study examined the specific patterns of the reactionism calligraphy style in his learning and calligraphy processes and works. He loved to write xing-cao-shu(行草書) with a focus on the materials written in one's own calligraphy, but he also emphasized that one should obtain the force of his or her calligraphy style by mastering kai shu before calligraphy xing cao shu. He thus left a lot of works in the xiao kai(小楷) of the Wang Xzhi(王羲之) calligraphy style throughout his life, which is attributed to the influences of the calligraphers of dong-guk-jin-che(東國眞體) in the latter half of Joseon(朝鮮) and those of Lee Gwang-sa(李匡師), his master in spirit. He is distinguished from the other calligraphers of the times in that he made lifelong efforts to compensate for the lacking stroke of the pen in the model calligraphy of Wang Xzhi. In the calligraphy theory, he put importance on the traditional method of Han-Wei(漢魏) and took Cai Yong(蔡邕) and Zhong Yao(鍾繇) as the fundamentals. For da kai(大楷), he constantly practiced the with the stroke of the pen by added to it, the letters of Wei(魏) Wudi(武帝), by Yan Zhenqing(顔眞卿), and letters of Kim Saeng(金生). His late works using the intended conception of and , in particular, present his unique calligraphy style that added the crooked forms of to the shapes of characters of that were in the kai-shu(楷書) style. It is a limitation that a considerable number of calligraphy materials Changam studied or consulted were either reprint copy or block book rather than original rubbing edition due to time and space restrictions. However, it is also true that those restrictions made an important contribution to his creation of his unique calligraphy style with deep local colors at the result of his constant efforts.

• Industry Promotion Research
• /
• v.9 no.1
• /
• pp.203-212
• /
• 2024

The purpose of this study is to examine the validity of Hidden Stems (支藏干) in the Four Pillars of Destiny with regard to the use of human governance periods in the hidden stems (人元用事). First, there is a theory of assigning period of governance for designated constituents (司令論) in the Hidden Stems of the Earthly Branch. Second, there is a theory that determines the structure of the Four Pillars by the Exposed Constituent from the Hidden Stems (透出論) in the Month Earthly Branch. Since these two theories conflict with each other and cause confusions, this study examined the theory of Hidden Stems in the Four Pillars Classics and examined the historical development of governance period for constituent hidden stems and their validity. The results of the study are as follows: Firstly, the number of dates assigned to respective constituents does not correspond to the calendarical principle, and the assignment of the governance dates for each constituent does not correspond to the principles proposed in ancient books of Four Pillars. Second, though it is said in the Classics that 72 days are equally assigned to each of the Five Elements, actual distributed days for the five elements was 65 days for Wood, 55 days for Fire, 100 days for Earth, 65 days for Metal, and 65 days for Water. Third, though it is said that 7 days should be designated to Yang Earth Mu for the months of Tiger 寅, Monkey, Snake, and Pig, it is logically more legitimate to assign those days to Yin Earth Ki since the month before Tiger is Ox, and the month before Monkey is Goat. Lastly, rationale behind assigning Ki Earth only to Horse Oh as constituting Hidden Stem while disregarding months of Rat, Rabbit, and Rooster is considered not reasonable. Looking at these results comprehensively, it is concluded that the Exposed Constituent theory is logically more appropriate than Assigned Governance theory.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
• /
• no.1
• /
• pp.145-168
• /
• 2003

Im 18. Jahrhundert stritt man urn allgemeing$\"{u}$ltige Kriterien f$\"{u}$r die Kunstkritik, welche ebenda aufzubl$\"{u}$hen begann. Im Zentrum dieser Auseinandersetzung, die uns als "Laokoon-streit" bekannt ist, befanden sich Johann Joachim Winckelmann einerseits und ein franz$\"{o}$sischer Bildhauer Etienne-Maurice Falconet(1716-1791) andererseits. Die beiden waren von ganz unterschiedlichen Kunstideen $\"{u}$berzeugt. Obwohl sie niemals zusammentraf, fielen sie in eine heftige schriftliche Diskussion. Wie bekannt, vertrat Winckelmann den aufkommenden Klassizismus. Er setzte die griechische Kunst auf die h$\"{o}$chste Rangstufe auf und bezeichnet sie als Tr$\"{a}$ger der sogenannten "edlen Einfalt und stillen Gr$\"{o}{\beta}$e, die sonst in der Natur verborgen bleibe. Nach Winckelmann sollte der K$\"{u}$nstler die griechischen Vorbilder wie Apollo von Belvedere und Laokoon nachahmen, um das wesentlich Sch$\"{o}$ne zu erlernen. Falconet $\"{u}$bte eine scharfe Kritik gegen die Meinung Winckelmanns und die Diletantismus in der Kunstkritik aus. Selbst als Theoretiker warf er vor, dass die Klassizisten um ihr dogmatisch struktuiertes Lehrgeb$\"{a}$ude willen alle andere Eigenschaften der Kunst sowie Kunstwerke $\"{u}$bersahen und ihre Apotheose der klassischen Kunst auf die Entwicklung der Kunst eher als Hindernis wirkte. Im besonderen Hinblick auf den Ausdruck der menschlichen Leidenschaft distanzierte Falconet sich von der Lehrmeinung des Klassizismus, n$\"{a}$mlich Zur$\"{u}$ckhaltung derselben Leidenschaft wegen der idealen Sch$\"{o}$nheit. Vor dem Laokoon teilten Falconet und die Klassizisten ihre Meinung un$\"{u}$berbr$\"{u}$ckbar voneinander. F$\"{u}$r diese war der Laokoon die Repr$\"{a}$sentation des erhabenen Menschen, der leidet, ohne seinen Affekt zu enth$\"{u}$llen. Im Gegensatz sah Falconet in demselben Werk einen erlungenen Ausdruck des menschlichen Gef$\"{u}$hls. Sein Deb$\"{u}$twerk ist also die Visualisierung seiner Kunstauffassung. Unter Einfluss Pierre Pugets sowie seines Lehrers Jean-Baptiste Lemoyne bem$\"{u}$ht er sich darum, den Ausdruck der menschlichen Leidenschaft durch kunsttechnische Leistung und wissenschaftliche Forschung zu erstarken. Daraus ergab sich die expressive Ausdrucksform des Affekts. In diesem Fall verband sich Falconet mit der Tradition des barocken Kunstwollens, aber er ging einen Schritt weiter, indem er die Ausdrucksweise noch realistischer und lebendiger zu machen vermag. Faconet war vielleicht der einzige K$\"{u}$nstler, der Vorteile det barocken Kunst ausnut zen konnte, ohne dabei die klassische und realistische Formensprache zu verlieren. Dutch sein Werk und seine theoretischen Schriften er$\"{o}$ffnete er neue Prinzipien sowohl f$\"{u}$r die Kunstpraxis als auch f$\"{u}$r die Kunstkritik, deren wesentliche Sinn jedoch erst in der Romantik anerkannt wurde.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
• /
• v.45 no.3
• /
• pp.376-382
• /
• 2002

Purpose : To identify clinical and laboratory features of atypical Kawasaki disease(KD), and to develop criteria for early diagnosis of atypical KD patients. Methods : All patients with KD treated at our hospital from January 1998 to June 2000 were reviewed retrospectively. Results : Among a total of 167 patients, 28(16.8%) were atypical KD of which seven(25%) were infants. Among the five cardinal symptoms, oral mucosal change(96.4%) occurred most frequently, followed by conjuntivitis(57.1%) and rash(46.4%). Most notable laboratory findings were anemia, and increased erythrocyte sedementation rate(ESR) or C-reactive protein(CRP). Coronary artery abnormalities developed in seven(25.8%) atypical KD patients, compared with 14.4% in typical KD patients. We considered oral mucosal change as major criterion, and conjunctivitis, rash, hematocrit <35% and ESR >30 mm/hr or CRP >3.1 mg/dL as minor criteria. Proposed modification in diagnostic criteria for atypical KD include fever of ${\geq}5$ days＋major criterion＋${\geq}2$ minor criteria, or fever of ${\geq}5$ days＋4 minor criteria. Conclusion : The modified diagnostic criteria has yielded a sensitivity 89.3%. Our diagnostic criteria may be used for early diagnosis of atypical KD.

• The Journal of Korean Institute of Electromagnetic Engineering and Science
• /
• v.10 no.4
• /
• pp.582-593
• /
• 1999

This paper presents the design and fabrication of the diplexer for a KOREASAT-III Ka-band satellite transponder. The transmission characteristics of the diplexer is analyzed by calculating the generalized scattering matrix using mode matching method. It is composed of 2 bandpass filters, coupled with H-plane T-junction having symmetrical inductive iris and E-plane metal insert structures. Compared with the size and weight of the Rx and Tx filter loaded with a transponders respectively, those of the diplexer can be effectively reduced. In a high power transmission, the variation of the filter characteristics is minimized by the scheme that irises are extended to the exterior of H-plane of the waveguide. This scheme needs no extra heat sinks for dissipating high power. The diplexer is designed to improve the simplification, durability and reliability by eliminating tuning screws, which have been used to compensate for the characteristics of fabricated filters. The bandpass filters of the diplexer show the insertion loss of less than 1.2 dB and the return loss in excess of 15 dB. The isolations of more than 65 dB have been achieved between Rx and Tx filter.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Science and Nutrition
• /
• v.41 no.1
• /
• pp.95-102
• /
• 2012

To examine the new practical utilization of mucilages in Opuntia humifusa, the Korean pear cactus, the polysaccharides were isolated from O. humifusa, and immuno-stimulating activities were assayed. The main polysaccharide, CNC-E, was prepared by a commercial enzyme treatment, water extraction, and ethanol precipitation. The molecular mass of CNC-E was estimated to be about 700 kDa, and it consisted mainly of arabinose, galactose and xylose in addition to two minor sugars such as rhamnose and fucose. On the other hand, CNC-E showed considerably high splenocyte proliferation activity in a dose-dependent manner. Peritoneal macrophages stimulated with CNC-E produced cytokines such as IL-6, IL-12, IL-10, and TNF-${\alpha}$. The intravenous administration of CNC-E significantly augmented the cytotoxicity of natural killer (NK) cells against Yac-1 tumor cells. Especially, NK cells obtained from the mice treated with $100{\mu}g$ of CNC-E showed threefold higher cytolytic activity than those of untreated mice. CNC-E also showed potent anti-complementary activity in a dose-dependent fashion. Identification of C3 activation products by the crossed immunoelectrophoresis using anti-human C3 and the anti-complementary activity of CNC-E in a $Ca^{2+}$-free condition suggested complement activations by CNC-E that occur via both alternative and classical pathways. These results indicate that Korean pear cactus contains selected polysaccharides that provide immuno-stimulating activities beneficial to human health.

• Clinical and Experimental Pediatrics
• /
• v.45 no.12
• /
• pp.1571-1576
• /
• 2002

Purpose : Recently, clinical trials of steroid add-on therapy were reported with variable results in Kawasaki disease. We analyzed the clinical outcomes of patients at high risk of with Kawasaki disease(${\geq}4$ points of Harada score) treated by three commonly used different treatment regimens, with or without corticosteroids. Methods : Medical records of 96 children with Kawasaki disease treated with one of the threee regimens were reviewed retrospectively. Regimen 1 was aspirin(100 mg/kg/day) plus intravenous gamma globulin 2 g/kg single dose; regimen 2, aspirin(100 mg/kg/day) plus intravenous gamma globulin 1 g/kg single dose; regimen 3, regimen 2 plus prednisolone(2 mg/kg/day), followed by tapering two weeks and pulse therapy of methyl prednisolone performed in cases of retreatment. Also low dose aspirin was given in all three regimens for eight weeks after the acute phase. The cardiovascular and laboratory evaluations were performed on acute phase, immediate after acute phase, and subacute phase, eight weeks after treatment. Results : The frequency of coronary artery lesions and laboratory findings in the three different regimens were similar. The more rapid control of fever after treatment was noted in regimen 3. Furthermore the frequency of retreatment was decreased in regimen 3 compared to the other two regimens. Conclusion : Steroid add-on therapy showed some beneficial outcome compared to conventional treatment regimens. The role of steroid in the treatment of Kawasaki disease should be reassessed in systemic manner.