• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.3
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• pp.97-125
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• 2014

The purpose of this study was to investigate the contributions and limitations of an independent internet newspaper dedicated to disability affairs. The materials analysed in this study were articles on personal assistance service conflicts between users and assistants by Ablenews. This study used inductive content analysis, responsibility frame analysis, and disability paradigm analysis. First, in general Ablenews appeared to report personal assistance service conflicts as they were. Second, the results showed that Ablenews tended to attribute the causes and solutions of the conflicts to the users and assistants. Third, nearly half of content units of Ablenews articles conveyed the perspective of rehabilitation paradigm though personal assisstanc services are closely related to independent living model. Based on the results this study suggested that Ablenews needs to improve specialty in reports on disability affairs using editorial staff, professional reporters, guests reporters with specialties.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.20 no.7
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• pp.352-367
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• 2020

This study critically reviewed whether the South Korean press reported the issue of conflict between South Korea and Japan in a way consistent with their journalistic values. To this end, this study conducted frame analysis and textual analysis for the articles of three press(Chosun Ilbo, Hankyoreh and KBS) from the three major branches of conflict (Korea's Supreme Court's ruling on forced labor compensation in October 2018, the Japanese government's decision to regulate exports in July 2019 and the Korean government's decision to end GSOMIA in August 2019) to one week. There were many superficial reports of simply relaying conflicts around the occurrence and outcome of events, and there were few reports that analyzed the context in depth or suggested alternatives. And partisan reporting, which is cited as a key issue in the Korean journalism, has been strongly revealed in the midst of a conflict between Korea and Japan, a national emergency situation.

• Journal of Digital Contents Society
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.475-483
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• 2011

This study examines how television news constructed an issue of social conflict between nationwide and local broadcasting. Especially, this study focused on new ariport of east-south region in Korea. To do this, this study conducted frame analysis on KBS, MBC, SBS main news including national and local ones, broadcasted from 1 January, 2011 to 15 April, 2011. In addition, frame analysis was divided into two aspects, formal and substance. As a result, the findings are as follow: First, in formal aspect both national and local broadcastings are dealing with episode style news frames, while subject style is just 7.5%. Second, in substance aspect, 6 categories are founded: site decision frame, competition and conflict frame, economic frame, rescission and response frame, government countermeasure and alternative frame, etc frame. In conclusion, national and local broadcasting television news have different perspective each other on defining an issues of social conflict like east-south new airport.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.35
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• pp.181-210
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• 2006

This frame analysis attempts to shed light on the process by which the Korean press constructs crisis as social reality through a series of risk reporting on food safety. Based on the FSSI(Food Safety Sentiment Index) developed by KIHASA(Korea Institute for Health and Social Affairs), 11 cases of food safety reports from 1989 to 2005 were collected from the Korean Integrated News Database System(KINDS) and analyzed to yield the following salient features: risk diffusion frame; attribution of responsibility frame; conflict frame. It was observed that the press exhibited a tendency to approach the food safety incidents from a bi-polarized perspective, amplifying dichotomy between the victim and the perpetrator rather than treating them as scientific, or environmental hazards that require precise and synthesized information for resolution. This occupational habit of attributing status to agents of news was also found to contribute towards construction of crisis as social reality.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.377-394
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• 2014

This study conducted a frame analysis of the news reports of Chonbuk bus strike broadcasted via local broadcasting companies of the Jeollabuk-do. The results showed that all Chonbuk local televisions gave more emphasis on 'episodic' frame by emphasizing demonstrations and struggles between capital and labor. In the case of content frames, news reports did not present the solution or an alternative of the strike, and the democratic process frame or the institutional improvement frame was not embossed. Therefore, local television news of Chonbuk bus strike was insufficient in reporting causes and backgrounds of the strike. Also, it displayed existing press routine in reporting the issue of social conflict such as a bus strike.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.53
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• pp.5-28
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• 2011

This research examines the recent increasingly intensified non-reporting phenomenon by the press in South Korea and its legitimacy and validity. Non-reporting denotes cases in which the press does not report on significant issues in society. Although journalism scholars have raised this question, it remains unaddressed through case studies and formal criticism. This research compares the reporting and non-reporting by major media groups of cases related to the surveillance of civilians by the National Intelligence Service and the Defense Security Command under the Ministry of National Defense. This research specifies that the non-reporting phenomenon relates not to the ability to report, but to willingness to report, due to intervention by political factionalism of media groups. The non-reporting phenomenon results from the press ignoring their basic responsibility stemming from journalistic ethics and their social responsibility to fulfill their readers' right to know. Accordingly, this research revealed that the non-reporting phenomenon cannot be justified through diverse theoretical discussions and the journalistic code of ethics. Through the logical framework of public opinions and diverse empirical data to support it, this research demonstrates that the non-reporting phenomenon produces not unhelpful, but harmful effects to resolutions to ideological dissent in South Korean society.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.49
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• pp.57-80
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• 2010

This study examines how national newspapers interpret, evaluate and report the Korean grand canal and rebuilding four major rivers through the news writings. For this research, ChosunIlbo, the Hankyoreh Shinmun and HankukIlbo are selected. A total of 961 news writings are analyzed by using the concept of news frame designed by Gamson(1993). As a result, the findings are as follows: First, the most frequently reported news frame for ChosunIlbo is economic consequence; the Hankyoreh for ecological environment, and HankukIlbo for authoritative political execution by the administrative. Second, the most frequently interviewed group through all of the papers is the administrative and the ruling Grand National Party, the main body of rebuilding the Korean grand canal. On the country, voices of environmental protection groups, non-profit civic organizations and the ordinary people are reported rarely. Third, the ratio of authoritative political execution by the administrative and economic consequence are very high. Finally, in terms of the framing activity by the interviewed groups in the newspapers, ChosunIlb reports 'Outcome' the most frequently, the Hankyoreh does 'Loss-gain' & 'Process' and HankukIlbo 'Process' & 'Substantive'. Thus it concluded that ChosunIlbo does not play a role as a social mediator for the social disputes. However, the Hankyoreh and HankukIlbo try to represent environmental and civic organizations fairly.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.12 no.8
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• pp.157-166
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• 2012

At the recent 19th General Election, Korean papers waged a surrogate war for the parties they share ideology with. All the conventional practices remained the same - the horse race-like presentations, furthering of confrontations, disregarding policy issues, allocating larger space for commentaries and negative issues, and etc. On top of these, papers began to focus on generational conflicts and individuals at the center of widespread attention and controversies, as a new trend. Photo images are largely used in the commentaries and articles dealing with confrontational or controversial situations. Of course, while the visual images seem to reinforce the emotional appeal of the messages papers try to get across, the potential problems need be noticed that could rise when irrelevant images are used.

• Proceedings of the Korean Radioactive Waste Society Conference
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• 2003.11a
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• pp.251-255
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• 2003

방사성폐기물 관리시설에 관한 신문의 관심은 매우 컸으며, 3개월 동안에 480건의 기사를 8개 신문에서 실었다. 사설도 38건이었으나 상황과 사안에 따라 모든 신문이 정형화된 내용과 비판을 하였다. 기사는 대부분 정부의 보도 자료에 의존한 하거나, 시위소식 등을 전하는 단순사안이었고, 심층보도는 이 사업 추진에 가장 큰 장애요소가 되고 있는 지역주민과 시민단체의 반대논리와 여론을 이해할 수 있도록 전달하지 못하였다. 특히 가장 쟁점이 될 수 있는 방사성폐기물의 위험과 안전에 대해서는 68건의 심층 보도 가운데 17건에서만 언급되고 있었는데, 그 내용도 위험성과 안전에 대한 해설이나 분석기사는 아니었다. 결과적으로 신문은 정부와 지역주민간의 갈등을 해결하는 조화의 장을 이끌어 내거나 제공하지 못하였고, 찬성과 반대 측 전문가들에게 공론의 장을 제공하여 사회적 합의를 도출하는데 기여하지는 못하였다. 오히려 많은 기사 보도의 남발로 방사성폐기물 관리시설에 대한 부정적인 이미지를 부각시키는 영향만 남았다고 판단된다.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.39
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• pp.140-177
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• 2007

The purposes of this study are to analyze how the media reflects the source competition between the activist group and the governmental source in the news contents. Media ideology and the conflict phase also were chosen as situational variables for evaluating how those variables could influence the source competition process. To answer the proposed research questions, the study chose the 'screen quota' issue as a research unit and analyzed documents from three sources, media news, the activist group for maintaining screen quota, and the governmental source during six years and three months. The results showed that the government source played a primary definer role in media reporting related to the screen quota issue, compared to the activist group. The governmental source's primary definer role was maintained against the highly contested social issue while the media ideology, to some degree, leveraged the activist group's comparatively unstable primary definer power. The governmental source's primary definer role was escalated as the conflict phase evolved.