• CHINESE LITERATURE
• /
• v.95
• /
• pp.129-153
• /
• 2018

《說苑》是一部西漢末葉劉向編撰歷史故事的典籍. 編撰的主要目的在於提供皇帝的閱覽. 劉向爲 了達成編撰的目的往往使用了文學的敍述方法, 由於如此理由 《說苑》裡面含有很多的文學成分. 所 以這篇論文的寫作意圖在於探究 《說苑》裡面的文學的性質. 硏究的結果如此: 《說苑》所含有的諸多文學性當中有詩歌文學·傳記文學·說文學方面的可 注目的成就. 由於劉向受了家風的影響, 他熟悉了 《詩經》, 因此他常常引用了 《詩經》裡面的詩歌. 特別是他 在比喩和誇張的修辭方面活用了 《詩經》活用得很好. 所以通過所要傳達的文學的表現, 他不但達成 了自己的編撰目的, 而且更加提高了 《說苑》的詩歌文學的性質. 因爲 《說苑》含有衆多人物的論和行迹, 於是不過 《說苑》是一部收集人物的傳記的典籍. 通 過敍述各種人物的生涯當中可注視的行和逸話, 《說苑》不但提高了人物的聲價, 而且在文學方面 描述了人物的性格·人品·智慧等描述得很好, 因此 《說苑》可以說達成了傳記文學的成就. 《說苑》雖然在根本上努力傳達了歷史的事實, 但是爲了達成勸戒的效果, 它有時候要表現得事 實不一樣. 因此 《說苑》裡面多有說的因素包括虛構·想像·遺聞逸事·民間傳說什麽的. 甚至於 一部分故事具有說的內容和構造. 這種成果讓我們更加注視 《說苑》的說方面的成就.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.26 no.4
• /
• pp.223-235
• /
• 2013

Objective : This study is about how the theory on ten kinds of prescriptions has been developed and how it has been applied for in prescription books and clinical texts. Methods : I made a comparison of this theory in prescriptions books and clinical texts. After it, I investigated the developing history based on it. Results and Conclusion : This theory had been used for classification of not prescription but herb, until Cho Gil(趙佶) and Seong Mugi(成無已) enlarged its meanings. The first mention about it was made by Jin Janggi(陳藏器). Yu Wanso(劉完素) gave it more definite meanings by showing prescription examples than before. Jang Jahwa(張子和) corrected what Yu Wanso explained. Besides, someone for example, Gu Jongseok(寇宗奭), Mok Huiong(繆希雍), Seo Chunbo(徐春甫), and so on added some kinds of prescription.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.26 no.4
• /
• pp.1-21
• /
• 2013

Objective : This study is about how theory on seven kinds of prescriptions in Yellow Emperor's Cannon of Internal Medicine(黃帝內經) had been developed and how it had been applied for in prescription books or clinical texts. Method : I made a comparison of this theory between prescription books and clinical texts. After it, I investigated the change or development of it. Result : The first explanation about this was made by Wang Bing(王氷). Yu Wanso(劉完素) made up several varieties and meanings of it, Jang Jahwa(張子和) corrected what Yu Wanso added. Besides, someone for example, Wang Hogo(王好古), Yi Cheon(李梴), and so on added new varieties and meanings of odd prescription and even prescription. Conclusion : Theory on seven kinds of prescriptions in Yellow Emperor's Cannon of Internal Medicine had been constantly changed and developed in prescription books or clinical texts.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
• /
• v.58 no.1
• /
• pp.121-124
• /
• 1982

삼림(森林)의 물, 흙 보전기능(保全機能)의 관점(觀點)에서 임지(林地)의 초지(草地)(방목지포함(放牧地包含)) 전용(轉用)의 영향을 종래(從來) 발표(發表)된 관계문헌(關係文獻)을 종합(綜合)하여 고찰(考察)한 요약(要約)은 다음과 같다. 1) 방목지(放牧地)에 있어서 낙엽(落葉) 등 지피물(地被物)을 건중량(乾重量)으로 비교할 때 금목구(禁牧區)에 비하여 중목구(重牧區)는 1/3, 경목구(輕牧區)는 1/2로 감소(減少)되었다. 2) 방목구(放牧區)의 토양경도(土壤硬度)는 전반적(全般的)으로 경화(硬化)되었으며, 침투강도(浸透强度)는 저하(低下)되었다. 특히 이 경향은 소의 휴식지(休息地)에서 현저하였다. 3) 초지(草地)의 연토양침식량(年土壤浸蝕量)은 0.10~0.02mm 범위로서 임지(林地)와 같다. 4) 초지조성(草地造成)의 전제(前提)로서의 개간지(開墾地)의 연토양침식량(年土壤浸蝕量)의 비율(比率)은 임지(林地), 전면벌채지(全面伐採地), 전면벌채(全面伐採)와 발근지(拔根地)에서 각각(各各) 1:10:78로 나타났다. 5) 임지(林地)의 초지전용(草地轉用)은 식생연속(植生連續)의 후퇴(後退)이며, 지력(地力)을 저하(低下)시킨다는 설(說)이 있다. 6) 초지조성(草地造成)의 문제점은 초지조성자체(草地造成自體)보다 조성(造成)뒤의 부실관리(不實管理)로 인한 토지(土地)의 황폐화(荒廢化)에 있다.

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.18 no.6
• /
• pp.65-84
• /
• 2009

This study was to analyze the philological character of Huangdizhaijing(黃帝宅經). Huangdizhaijing is a first stage scriptures of YangzhaiFengshui(陽宅風水) which is the firstly mentioned book in Sikuquanshu(四庫全書). Huangdizhaijing is an obligatory book to read to understand the palace of ancient dynasty as well as general housing of people. Huangdizhaijing measured housing conditions divided into Yangzhai(陽宅) and Yinzhai(陰宅). The contents succeeded traditional Yangzhaiguan(陽宅觀) which values direction(方向) and Jiri(吉日). Thatis, classifying Yangzhai into 24 directions based on Qi of YinYang(陰陽之氣) theory, general contents of Huangdizhaijing explains regulatory rules and propitious day in accordance with the Yangzhai mathematical principles and archaeology through Jixiongshenshalun(吉凶神煞論). Huangdizhaijing includes the kernel of understanding the chinese architect system and housing culture because it describes close reciprocal influences between man and house. It seems that the author of Huangdizhaijing is not the emperor but he was represented by descendants who systemized the idea of Huangdizhaijing in Yangzhai shu(陽宅書). Being there many of documents presented by emperor like Huangdineijing(黃帝內徑), It is counted that the reason of the representing emperor is to show off its origin has long and authoritative history. It seems that the preserved period of writing Huangdizhaijing is Tang(唐) dynasty, but counting that various Yangzhaishu prevailed, Huangdizhaijing's contents has much in common with Dunhuangben(敦煌本), and it valued Menfazhidu(門閥制度) of Weijinnanbeichao(魏晉南北朝) dynasty, the many of the contents of Huangdizhaijing should be formed before Tang dynasty. The exiting editions of Huangdizhaijing could be divided into generally 8 kinds:(1) Zhengtongdaocangben(正統道藏本) (2)Yimenguangduben(夷門廣牘本) (3)Jindaimishuben(津逮秘書本) (4)Shuofuben(說?本) (5)Gujintushujichengben(古今圖書集成本) (6) Sikuquanshuben(四庫全書本) (7)Xuejintaoyuanben(學津討原本) (8)Dunhuangben(敦煌本).

• Journal of architectural history
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.39-54
• /
• 2011

The Bunhuangsa stone pagoda, constructed in AD. 634, National Treasure no. 30, has been named as 'brick-copied pagoda' since the Japanese-ruling period by scholars. It is said that the Chinese brick pagoda was its precedent model, however the Bunhuangsa Pagoda is the oldest of all the Chinese-style brick pagodas except one, the Sungaksa Pagoda. The Chinese pagoda cannot have been a precedent model to copy due to its complex detail of wood vestige, as the Bunhuangsa pagoda is simple form without ornament. Domestic brick pagodas cannot have been a precedent model to copy as well, because all the domestic brick pagodas are younger than the Bunhuangsa Pagoda. Therefore, the terminology 'brick-copied pagoda' is a fallacy; it is rather that later brick pagoda copied the precedent the Bunhuangsa stone pagoda. The Bunhuangsa Pagoda is simply a piled-up pagoda of thick or thin, big or small slates of stone, facing only one smooth side and therefore needing nothing to relate to brick. The originality of the pagoda is more related to simple piled-up Indian stone stupa rather than Chinese brick pagoda. The roof form of its gradually stepped projection comes from the harmika of the summit of Indian stupa. Contrary to general history, old Silla Dynasty imported Buddhism directly from India by sea. From written national history and by temple foundation history, the Indian Buddhism evangelist possibly made influence to the erecting of temple and pagoda. The original wrong terminology has made a harmful effect gradually to the naming of mass-styled stone pagoda of only carved stepped-roof form after brick-copied pagoda. The false term 'brick-copied pagoda' should be discarded, which comes with superficial observation based on toadyism to China and colonialism to Japan. Instead of the fallacious term, this paper suggests multi-storied 'piled-up pagoda with slate stone.'

• CHINESE LITERATURE
• /
• v.98
• /
• pp.127-148
• /
• 2019

明初說教劇 《五倫全備記》的評價, 一直有毀譽參半, 否定意見更多. 1994年本人報告韓國奎章 閣圖書館本而引起討論, 但之後沒有更多材料進一步說明問題而討論也停止下來了. 但最近又發現 新材料, 可以澄清久擱著的丘濬 《五倫全備記》一案了. 根據新發現的兩個版本包括一篇序和凡例 三條半及一篇跋, 可以說明 《五倫全備記》是在景泰元年庚午年(1450)丘濬三十歲時南京寓言軒為 '世教'採用南戲形式而創作的. 第一次印行早在丘濬在世時, 後來經青錢父者亦在庚午(1510)改編付 與演出和印行, 再後的庚午(1570)張情不但說出該劇演出的信息, 還假錄此改編本并寫序肯定 '化民 成俗之意'. 傳播到朝鮮的就是后兩個本子, 都是改編本系統. 早期接受的方式是傳抄及改寫成小 說, 嘉靖初被選為譯官們的漢語教科書, 屢次被刻印, 因此留存幾種版本, 還被翻譯出版 《五倫全備 諺解》. 本文通過對 《五倫全備記》的創作、改編到傳播接受問題的澄清, 確認了 《五倫全備記》的 作者爲丘濬, 又說明了這文人的南戲劇本為適應觀眾而經過改編, 得到舞台生命的經過, 及傳播到 朝鮮之後的接受情況. 希望本文對久在缺如的中國戲劇史中明初部分增加認識有所幫助.

• Korean Journal of Soil Science and Fertilizer
• /
• v.3 no.1
• /
• pp.55-59
• /
• 1970

In an effort to determine the bio-synthesis in the soybean as investigate to the variance of each substance: Glutamic acid, Aspartic acid and its amides during the growth of younger soybean plants. 1. The variance-curve of Gultamic acid and Aspartic acid as the acidic amino acids in the cotyledons was appeared the peak the first half period at Glutamic acid and the latter half at Aspartic acid in the growth of soybeans, and was received the symmetrical impression centering around the stage of adult leaf-development. But, in the embryonic organ, it appears the peak at both part, in the developmental stage of adult leaf and also appears near phenomena of increase and decrease in the variation-curve of metabolites. 2. It's amides-Gultamine and Asparagine-appears the peak at the developmental stage of adult leaf in the both cotyledons and embryonic organ, and rapid increase in the cotyledons were very impressed compare with the decrease at fallen stage of cotyledons in the embryonic organs. 3. In the relation of variance at Glutamic acid and Aspartic acid, both substance were discovered the fact of translocation from cotyledon to embryonic organ, and Glutamic acid could supposed that bear the charges of outrider substance in other amino acid as the Glutamic acid-self and major basic function for receiving the ammonia as the nitrogen contain constituent of plant. In the case of Glutamine, formation-mechanism of ammonia which develops due to its hydrolysis in the latter period of soybean growth, suggested that was forfeit its function till instance of fallen cotyledons. 4. In the relation the Aspartie acid and Asparagine, Aspartic acid which begins to decrease from seed-state was supposed that bear sufficiently the charge of outrider substance in the formation of Asparagine other than translocated to embryonic organ from cotyledon. And, formation-theory of Aspartic acid which suppose as formational substance from Kreb's cycle were recognized from latter period of soybean growth, and then, rapid accumulation of Asparagine's amounts were supposed that adapt to two theory: Theory which consider to transformation as Asparagine state for pressing to less than noxious weight the concentration of ammonia developing from the cells, and was formate and accumulate as ammonia or carbohydrates containing excess in the cotyledons.

• Journal of Korean Medical classics
• /
• v.20 no.2
• /
• pp.231-268
• /
• 2007

재일본규주황한의학적전통의학지전신취시중국전통의학적지식(在日本叫做皇漢醫學的傳統醫學之前身就是中國傳統醫學的知識). 16세기이래(16世記以來), 일본불단수도이개조중국의학적최신성과(日本不斷收到而改造中國醫學的最新成果), 동양원류우부동홍류적한방의학체계점점형성적과정전후(同樣源流又不同洪流的漢方醫學體系점점形成的過程前后), 출현료4개학문유파(出現了4個學問流派). 저취시(저就是)"후세파(后世派)"."고방파(古方派)"."절충파(折衷派)"."고증파(考證派)". 소우호세파(소于호世派), 논자이경재대한한의학원전학회지적제19권3호상보고료(논者已경在大한한의학原典학회紙的第19卷3호上보告了), 본논문시연속적연구성과(本논文是연속的硏究成果). 종이재본논문상(종而在本논文上), 이한국적이정환(以한국的李政桓), 백유상(白裕相), 정창현등적연구여중국양영적연구위기초(丁彰炫等的硏究與中國梁嶸的硏九爲基礎), 요개략지보고일본의학방면상적‘고방파’(要槪略地報告日本의학方面上的'古方派'). "고방파"지칭부정근세송명의학이지지지한대장중경적"상한잡병론"지일본의가("古方派"指稱否定近世宋明醫學而只支持漢代張仲景的"傷寒雜病論"之日本醫家). 일반"상한론"전파우일본적실정시대(一般"傷寒論"傳播于日本的室町時代), 명응년간(明應年間)(1492${\sim}$1500)판정운재명유학후(阪淨運在明留학후), 타회도일본적시후(他回到日本的시候), 종명수입(종明수入)"상한잡병론(傷寒雜病論)", 이후일본후세한의칭송료이관동지역적영전덕본(以후日本후世漢醫칭송了以關東地域的永田德本)(1513-1603)위(爲)"고방파적선구자(古方派的先구者)". 도강호시대재일본학술계출현료복고사조(到江戶時代在日本學術係出現了復古思潮). 이등인제(伊藤仁劑)(1627${\sim}$1705)앙망료유학적경전(仰望了儒學的經典), 이차적극지주장료의학적복고(而且積極地主張了醫學的復古), 이후적생조래(以후荻生組徠)(1666${\sim}$1728)대우복여성인적학문부단노력(對于復與聖人的學問不斷努力). 인차복고적학문재덕천시대성위일대학파(因此復古的學問在德川時代成爲一代學派), 18세기상반기시전성시기(18世紀上半期是全盛시期). 주요의가시명고옥현의(主要醫家是名古屋玄議)(1628${\sim}$1696), 후등양산(後藤양山)(1659${\sim}$1733), 산협동양(山脅東洋), 병하천민(병河天民)(1679${\sim}$1719), 송원유악(松原維嶽)(1689${\sim}$1765), 향천수암(香川修庵)(1683${\sim}$1755), 타문복고적유학영향도흔다의학방면(他문復古的儒學影향到흔多의학方面). 중요의가길익동동(重要醫家吉益東洞)(1702${\sim}$1773)도후대피평위고방적'태두'(到后代被평위古方的'泰斗'), 동시'마귀'(同시'魔鬼'). 인차본논문소우황한의학지중"후세파"여반대후세파적"고방파"(因此本論文소于皇漢醫學之中"后世派"與反대后世派的"古方派"), 통과학파명칭여역사지위(通過學派名稱與歷史地位), 주요의가적생애(主要醫家的生涯), 학술적요지(學術的要旨), 저서등(著書等), 이연구병보고타문적학문주장(以硏究병報告他們的學問主張). 이차진저차궤회(而且진저次机회), 상회고아문한의학연착여하역사적궤적(想回고我문韓醫學沿着如何歷史的軌跡).

• Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
• /
• v.116
• /
• pp.313-350
• /
• 2010

This article studies criticism leveled at Yulgok scholarship by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region. The Toegye School (Yulgok School) was formed both by theoretical contention and constructive criticism with its counterparts. Accordingly, the main intellectual traits of the Toegye School may not be fully appreciated by inquiring into its theoretical structure and context only; rather, this study proposes that a sound understanding of the Toegye School must be accompanied simultaneously with an analysis on aspects of the altercation with the Yulgok School of the time. In this regard, this article primarily aims to shed light on the Toegye School's theoretical context through surveying the criticism leveled by the Toegye School in the northern Gyungbuk region, which hold steadfast adherents to the discipline among other regions, against the Yulgok scholarship. Embracing the Confucian ethic, the philosophical principles of the Toegye School based on autonomy of 'Li'(理), i.e. ethical objectivism, basically aimed at reaching the state of self-manifestation. Namely, the main objective of the Toegye School was to anchor the way how the school understood existential form and cause of the universe to an ethical foundation in a crystal clear way and, accordingly, this belief in which the Toegye School gave a priority to 'Li' rather than 'Gi'(氣) must have given an advantageous position in terms of theoretical clarity over its counterparts. Furthermore, the crux of the Confucian ethical world view in the Toegye School's modes of inquiry could berevealed by the Toegye's 'Libal(理發)-theory'. From this point of view, the fundamental criticism that could be waged by the Toegye School was against Yulgok scholarship's gross misconception of perceiving 'Gi' as 'Li.' Scholars and commentators in the Toegye School severely disapproved of the possibility of ethical objectivism of Yulgok scholarship.