• Journal of International Area Studies (JIAS)
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• v.14 no.3
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• pp.135-156
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• 2010

While there are a few ways of giving meanings to the term, "Altai" ranging from a language family to a national residing around the Altai Mountains in Russian Federation, and to the people speaking the language or the whole area where they live, there have been controversial debates whether it is a meaningful categorization. This paper argues that the basic cause lying beneath the controversies is the underdevelopment of the subject that identifies itself as a representative of the whole area where the Altaic language family is spoken. It might be true, as some Korean and Russian scholars insist, that what deserves to be called Altaic culture (or civilization) has provided a common culture and mutual interactions with the people. However, the Altaic people failed to constitute themselves as a meaningful modern group, that is a nation, and they did not fully develop national consciousness, As a result, although their way of life may be regarded as an origin of various cultures across North-East Asia, Altaic culture is not sufficient to give a momentum to claim for cultural initiative in the region. This comes at least partly from the reconfiguration of ethnic identity through a Soviet type of modernization and its geopolitical situation surrounded by super-powers such as China and Russia, as well as belated import of religions such as Buddhism and Christianity. From a wide perspective, the trouble about delimiting an area is not unique in Altai, but universally found in anywhere, as far as area studies are concerned. The delimitation of an area is not a natural outcome of physical environment but an artificial production of how cultural-political relationships have been distributed. Therefore, while the case of Alai has its own specificities, its implications that a national or regional boundary in area studies should not be taken for granted may be applied to other areas.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.4
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• pp.135-158
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• 2019

The purpose of this paper is to elucidate the characteristics that make Guillermo del Toro's film Pan's Labyrinth (2006) a fantasy film, and the meaning and function of the labyrinth motifs closely related to it. Tzvetan Todorov defined the 'fantastic' as the hesitation between natural and supernatural interpretations in the face of supernatural events that invade reality. In Pan's Labyrinth, the fantastic continues to be seen, because the film does not allow the hesitation to disappear; thus, the fantastic does not enter the 'uncanny' genre or 'marvelous' genre, and because it keeps its fantastic state. In this case, the labyrinth symbolizes art as a passage into the fantastic world and a space that represents it. Rosemary Jackson saw the fantasy as a "literature of desire to compensate for a lack resulting from cultural constraints" and thus repeatedly dealing with unconscious materials. Del Toro's film shows the character of the fantastic as an expression of desire by allowing 'family romance' to take place in the fantastic world. In this case, the labyrinth symbolizes the mind as a place of desire. Kathryn Hume defined fantasy as a reaction to reality, like mimesis, and 'departure from consensus reality.' The film, operating in a 'vision' genre, satisfies its definition by allowing the fantastic world to illuminate the reality world through 'contrastive' technique, and brings out the fantastic it has. In this case, the labyrinth symbolizes the world as a mirror of the world of reality. Thus, Pan's Labyrinth is representative of fantastic film in that the fantastic functions very effectively, and the labyrinth appearing in this film can be evaluated as a motif that is full of meaning by symbolizing all three elements of art, world and mind. The significance of this paper is to shed light on how a motif works in a particular genre through the above considerations.

• Lettere Italiane
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• no.26
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• pp.175-231
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• 2009

Questa tesi tratta di due aspetti. Primo, i giullari erano coloro che hanno fatto la satira sulle contraddizioni della societa medievale quasisempre da soli. Gli oggetti della satira erano in gran parte la classe dominate e gli ecclesiastici. Particolarmente chi governa, opprime e sfrutta il popolo come i padroni, i ricchi, gli aristocratici, i mercanti, i re, i sindaci, i militari, e chi rappresenta i sovrani come il papa, i vescovi, e i cardinali. Anche la satira del Fo moderno si rivolge contro gli stessi. Perché anche se il tempo passa, la situazione non è quasi cambiata. Quei soggetti fanno azioni ipocrite in un ambito schematico e dogmatico, e non fanno conoscere al popolo la loro situazione d'inuguaglianza. Perciò Fo ritiene che la situazione disperata del popolo è la stessa, sia nel medievo sia oggi. Secondo, voglio fare vedere che i giullari fanno la satira pungente della classe dominante, e degli ecclesiastici ma non rinnegano la cristianità. E anche gli estremisti che talvolta erano i monaci diventati giullari, dicono che se vogliamo dare dignità alla Chiesa di Cristo dobbiamo distruggere la Chiesa. E per distruggere la Chiesa dobbiamo distruggere chi la governa, il papa, i vescovi, e i cardinali. Ma anche loro, in quel caso, non rinnegano la cristianità in sè stessa. Poiché Dio (il Padreterno) rappresenta i padroni e i sovrani è odiato, mentre e' sempre amato Gesù Cristo da tutti i giullari, gli estremisti e anche il popolo, ché egli è Dio che viene sulla terra a cercar di ridare la primavera agli uomini e si sacrifica come Dioniso. E soprattutto è considerato come il simbolo della resistenza contro la inugualglianza, e dell'amore e della dignità fondamentale degli uomini. Nei nove testi di Mistero Buffo, i giullari e Fo considerano sempre molto importante la dignità degli uomini. E Cristo è il simbolo di questa dignità. Così i testi in Mistero Buffo hanno sempre una forte connotazione, non sono soltanto una satira sulla classe dominante e gli ecclesiastici ma contengono anche in definitiva la volontà di ricercare la restaurazione della dignità degli uomini e dello spirito di Cristo.

• Journal of Studies in Bibliography
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• no.75
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• pp.179-192
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• 2018

This article examines the general status of the Censored texts, censorship status, censorship characteristics and meaning, which were confirmed through the Korean Old novel's Censored Edition and Napbon. The censored texts version of the Korean novel can be divided into manuscripts, woodblock-printed books written with chinese characters and Hangeul, old printed novel. Korean Old novels were also censored during the Japanese colonial period but the actual censorship did not reflect the instructions issued during the publication process. This can be said to be a feature of the old book censorship when compared with the modern/modern literature, magazines, and socialist books. As such, the novel was censored but relatively loose, so the publishers focused on publishing the novel. As a result, during the Japanese colonial period, the number of readers increased, and the publishing house was booming, resulting in duplication of the same works by different publishers. In the meantime, academics have discussed the reason why the novel has become popular from the 1910s to the 1930s. But I could not discuss it in terms of censorship and Nap-bon. Now we need to approach this aspect.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.6
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• pp.66-80
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• 2009

This paper attempts to investigate how the cultural phenomena associated with 'Wuyi-Doga(武夷棹歌)' and 'Wuyi-Gugok (武夷九曲)' was introduced to Joseon. The icon and code of 'Gugok' cultural text which was observed in the process of transmitting the culture through repetition and imitation were examined. With regard to research methodology, an 'analysis and discussion framework' was designed based on the literature review, field survey and the seven textuality criteria proposed by Dressier. Then the textuality of 'Wuyi-Gugok' was analyzed in terms of the dependent relation of text, the relationship between the creator and user, repetition, imitation and the spread process. Since ZhouHee(朱熙)'s 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' were introduced to Joseon through literature and paintings, they became a part of the cultural Phenomena with unprecedented popularity. As a result, a great number of imitations can be found. In addition, governors would even take care of political affairs in a scenic mountain valley as described in this literature. Regardless of the writer's intentiot 'Gugok' settled in Joseon as new culture in harmony with Taoism and Sung COnfucianism. In other words, Joseon's Gugok-Wonlim(九曲園林) accepted the nature-appreciation aesthetic consciousness in 'Wuyi-Doga' and 'Wuyi-Gugok' on the basis of Taoism and Sung Confucianism. In terms of the text-based dependent relation only, however, the geographical coherence was somewhat loosened while the Gugok Culture that was dependent on Taoism or elegance in life dominated the internal structure of the textuality. Meantime, the internal factors that dominated the textuality of 'Wdyi-Gugok' were interpreted as 1) 'Aesthetics of Bending, Water Whirls', 2) 'Territoriality Expression Carve letters,' 3) 'Cultural Landscape seeing through the Speculation of Meaning,' 4) 'The Pursuit of Oddness and Presentationism' and 5) 'Transcendental Landscape of Taoism and Topos.'

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.42
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• pp.257-290
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• 2021

The Wonju Nongyo (agricultural work song) is geographically classified as eastern minyo (folk song) which has many distinctive, regional features such as tunes, forms and the use of a melodic line. There has been growing attention to the transmission value of the nongyo including the Wonju Eorirang of the Wonju Origol Nongyo and its region of origin. The Wonju Nongyo is of great value and worthy of preservation in the western part of Gangwon Province. For this reason, it seems fairer to say that a focus should be directed towards establishing the identity of the song and increasing the contextualisation of transmission. At the same time, the preservation association's efforts in passing the traditional song down and education activities fairly deserve equal attention. In addition to the way the folk songs are handed down, a discussion on the facilitation of their use will be required. An in-depth discussion about the restoration and use of the song will be encouraged in a multifaceted manner. Unfortunately, few of the previous literatures on nongyo has gone so far as to investigate Arirang as a separate research topic. In fact, the Wonju Origol Nongyo should be viewed as an intangible cultural asset that paved the way for performance artistry of the Korean agricultural work songs to be seen at a national folk art festival. From the perspective of regional characteristics (traditionally termed "tori"), the Wonju Eorirang represents the cultural value of the manners and customs of our locals which constitute unwritten and neglected literary property and musicality of the song. Particularly, a more attention should be paid to making a record of woodcutters and diversity of farmers' small cooperative groups. The existence of the Wonju Eorirang indicates that the melodies to which the song are sung in Nongyo are of infinite variety. A minyo-singer unfolds various journeys of life through various modes and structure of epic chants, ranging from first encounter, love to marriage, realistic problems to relationship with husband's family and death. The epic chant of the Wonju Origol Nongyo contains a rich variety of regional sentiments about life. In particular, the epic chants of the Galtteukgisor and Ssoeltteukgisori are a genius example of sexual satire and a sense of humor. In the past, the agricultural work songs were rhythmic songs served to synchronize physical movements in groups, coordinating tasks in upland farming and rice paddy with the usage of catchy, repetitive verses easy to pass down. The Wonju Origol Nongyo is a precursor of the work songs which took the farming activities a notch higher to be part of the excitement and festivals. In the context of transmission, a festival serves to demonstrate the value of history and life. The value of the Wonju Eorirang should be appreciated and a concerted effort should be made to find a way to facilitate the transmission of the folk song. A folk-singer is a traditional oral poet and a storyteller of minyo and the forms and species of melody solely depend on the signer. The combination of performance and witticism is shown by the singer freely expressing himself. The Origol Nongyo symbolizes ethnic arts cleverly combining playful effects such as tune, rhythm and old agricultural work of the region. It is to be hoped that much of the efforts is directed to designating such folk songs as the archetype of a cultural heritage. In terms of the foundation on which the folk songs are transmitted, the usage(Performance Content) of a community would be an alternative.

• Journal of Sinology and China Studies
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• v.78
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• pp.25-46
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• 2019

In this paper, we analyzed the characteristics of quasi-affix '迷' and 'X迷' words. '迷' has the characteristics of a quasi-affix in general: Grammaticalization, Position fixing, Vocabulary productivity, so it can be considered as a quasi-affix. The results of the analysis are as follows. Firstly, the meaning of '迷' is far from the original meaning and has become a reference to a person, so the degree of grammaticalization is measured to be high. Secondly, If a quasi-affix '迷' represent the meaning 'A person who is addicted to something or something or action', '迷' has to be placed at the end of a word. So '迷' is a quasi-suffix. Thirdly, many compound words are derived from '迷' and 'X迷' words are all nouns, '迷' is a quasi-suffix which can make nounization. The part of speech of 'X' is mainly noun and the next is verb. The syllables of 'X' is mainly two syllables, the words 'X迷' are mainly three syllables, followed by single and three syllables. The meaning of 'X' can be divided into 11 categories, including literature, art, objects, activities, and physical activities. The meaning of quasi-affix '迷' arose in modern times. The analysis suggests that there will be many words derived from '迷' in the future.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.28
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• pp.267-296
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• 2010

There exists various advantages and disadvantages with various thoughts in human beings. Therefore, it causes very complicated conflict by these diversity. It would be impossible if there would not be solved in classes, areas, schools, cultures whether it is simple or complicated. The proposition which totally shows these logic are Cheng-Yi(程頤, 1033-1107)'s principle is one but its manifestations are many(理一分殊) and Yul-gok(栗谷, 1536-1584)'s all penetrating Li and defining Ch'i. The main concern is how to realize concretly the pure goodness in theory of principal and vital force. There are opinion which Li shows it's pure goodness initiatively and it only has to be shown through Ch'i. Toi-gyeo(退溪, 1501-1570)and Woo-dam(愚潭, 1625-1707) thought the subjectivity lies on Li which shows itself even though Li can't shows itself. On the while, Yul-gok thought it realize through Ch'i, and Li has the superintendence which Li shows itself through Ch'i. Regardless with above, Nok-mun(鹿門, 1711-1788) had the point of view which pure goodness come to realize by the coincidence of Li and Ch'i, on the same time, it didn't matter whether the subjectivity lay on Li or Ch'i, Li showed by nature while Ch'i did by vital energy controlled and worked together. While Yul-gok established his theoretical ground of universality in the best pure good and its bases on the realization, Woo-dam put an emphasis on the practice and realization of goodness to endow with its positive meaning. On the contrary of it, Nok-mun emphasised vital enerty, that is, enabled to realize goodness which premised Li and Ch'i are reciprocally related to other in non-segregated condition(理氣不相離). Still however, the most important thing is how the rightness can be concreately explained which human have to practice its pure goodness. It is not restricted on the Sung Confucianism, it is the material question in philosophy.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.38
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• pp.249-275
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• 2019

Gangneung farm song is important for the ritualistic labortheatricals. Especially, in the theatrical process program, the songsof weeding, such as Haksan Odokkteggi and Ssadae, were alsoincluded to represent the agricultural ritualistic prayer for goodharvest. The use of Gangneung farm song is attractive in termsofthe circumstances. There is no chance of success as a plan simplyfor local events. As a comprehensive art, Gangneung farmsongshould simultaneously revitalize locality, representability andglobality. In this context, three directions are suggested dependingon the development progress. The second direction to the thirddirection are mainly oriented toward government-local authoritycentered support, but, in particular, the third direction should aimtobe an open archive in which the public and the contents prosumercan participate. In the production of the traditional content, OSMUmust be endlessly recreated and spread through 'diversity' and'interrelationships'. The contents utilization was discussed based on the transmissiondetails and analysis evidence of Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. Thediversification of the way of performing farm song and the folk songs that can induce interest were proposed. Furthermore, basedon the fact that 12 songs classified into 8 work types, there-creation of the contents that focus on the playful aspect of theperforming arts was also proposed. In addition to suggestingthedesirable discourse of the performance groups, the experienceprogram development, education, public relations andcommunication reinforcement based on the narrating principlesoffarm songs, and the development and execution of farmsongprograms based on the tradition and the event demands wereproposed. While mentioning the necessity of value creation, thevitality of performing arts skills that put emotion, imagination, fun, sympathy, and etc. on the original form and the model of farmsongs should be supplemented to Gangneung Haksan Odokttegi. The independent transmission aspect of Gangneung Arirangisalso positive. There are difficulties of reduction of traditionalitydueto the designation, standardized transmission, lack of developmentof voluntary performances, and demonstration-centeredtransmission. Narrowly, we focused on the education andvitalization directions in terms of the capacity building of theconservation council itself. By embodying the essential value of theagricultural literature that farm songs possess, it can bringimpression of all worlds, all lives, communication and sharing, anddraw inspiration from the humanistic view of the world andemotion. The reconstitution of agricultural heritage, theconstruction of a storytelling linked with the concrete objects suchas Beomil National Preceptor, Gulsansa, FlagpoleSupport(Dangganjiju), Seokcheon, Hakbawi rock, and etc., andtheestablishment of fusion type farm song museum were proposed. In terms of culture industry, we requested active support fromtheinstitutions including local governments and various farmsongstorytelling creation projects.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.30
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• pp.163-199
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• 2018

Jeon-gyeong was published under the command of Dojeon Park Wudang in 1974. The scripture consists of 7 parts and each part has 17 chapters. The earliest record of Gucheon Sangje (1871~1909) can be found in Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi, which was published by Lee Sangho (1888~1967) in 1926. The book was the first oral literature that he created by collecting information and materials on Jeungsan as he personally met with many direct disciples of Gucheon Sangje. In 1929, after three years, Lee complemented the book with additional materials and published the first edition of Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. It was a form of didactic literature stylistically presented as scripture. Lee continued this long journey of work by revising and publishing 6 editions of Daesoon Jeon-gyeong until he published the last one in 1965. The chapter titled, "Cheonji-gongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe)" from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong as the sixth chapter out of a total of 13 chapters in the first edition, but in the last edition, it appears as chapter 4 out of a total of 9 chapters. Here it is shown that the last edition has been shortened when compared to the first edition. Also the number of verses in the chapter has largely increased by almost twice its original size over the 37 years; as it was 81 in the first edition, 94 in the second, 148 in the third, 151 in the fifth, and 175 in the sixth. In this paper, I studied how the verses of "Gongsa (Reordering Works)" from the Jeon-gyeong, which was first published in 1974, have been revised in comparison to the chapter titled "Cheonji-gongsa" from the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. As the result of comparing each verse of "Gongsa" from the Jeon-gyeong to those of "Cheonji-gongsa" from all six editions of the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong, I could find the following revisions or changes. First, when "Cheonji-gongsa" from the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong is compared to "Gongsa" from the Jeon-gyeong, it can be seen that the number of verses has been changed and some contents have been deleted or added. Second, the sixth edition of the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong has 69 more verses than the Jeon-gyeong, and most of the additions were made in the chapters titled "Haengrok (analects)," "Gyoun (conveyance of teachings)," and "Yesi (forseeing)". These additions show how the verses regarding religious and predictional teachings developed over the years. Third, the verses from "Gongsa" from the Jeon-gyeong contain many descriptions from chapter 2, "Enlightenment of Dao and Miraculous Deeds of Cheonsa (Heavenly Teacher)," chapter 3, "Followers in the Dao School and Precepts," and chapter 5, "Opening of New World and Paradise," from the 6 th edition of the Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. This indicates that "Cheonji-gongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe)" was related to miraculous acts, enlightenment to Dao, teachings given to the followers, the opening of new world, and the building of a paradise. Fourth, some chapters in the section "Cheonji-gongsa" from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong are omitted in "Gongsa" from Jeon-gyeong, and "Gongsa" has some new contents that were not included in previous texts. This shows that there had been adoptions of different materials in the process of transmission.