• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.55 no.8 s.99
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• pp.57-72
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• 2005

Mongdueui(蒙頭衣) and mongduri(蒙頭里) in the Joseon dynasty was one of women's robe. The style of Mongdueui was same as Chinese baeja(褙子 $\cdot$ vest) having non-overlapping front opening with collar, This form was conformed through the wonsam excavated baeja from tomb of South Song dynasty. The basic construction was same as Joseon dynasty's except the collar. In the early Joseon dynasty the noble women wore Jangsam(長衫) as an outer wear, the common and lower class women wore Mongdueui, and the queen and royal household we baeja. The court lady wore baeja as well as Mongdueui for funeral ceremony. The style of women's robes was classified into two categories by the literature Byungwajip(甁窩集). The first was the hongjangsam(紅長衫長) in red for noble women. The other was the mongduri for the common lady. Whangchosam the outer wear of Jeongjaeyong(呈才女伶), a professional women entertainer, having non-overlapping front opening with collar, has been examined in the painting. And it had been evolved into the shaman's clothing in the last stage of Joseon dynasty.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.15
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• pp.121-130
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• 1990

This study is focused on the swinging and trembling effect expressed in Korean costume from ancient days to the present. The swinging is a term standing for gentle movements that are created and implied by the long ties, strings, tassels, pendants and hanging ornamentations. These attatched elements of the costume move as the wearer moves. Trembling is a term expressing small vibrating movement which is created by the tiny decorative motifs attatched to Korean costume. This little decorative elements were attatched to the royal crown, earings, necklaces even the sole of the metalic shoes for a change and to draw viewers attention. The Swinging and Trembling have been used mainly to express the decorative desires. The Swinging on shaman costume is a expression of the aesthetics of evil's eye, while the Swinging shown on the costume of a schalor is expressing the beauty of personality and nature. In General during the Choson Period, the Swinging of the tassels, ribbons, string belts is a expression of the beauty of nature. Consequently the Swinging and the Trembling are the typical examples of the "Meot"(멋), Korean traditional aesthetics.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.20
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• pp.83-91
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• 1993

Signifying clothes can be defined as a process in which a clothes obtains a symbolic meaning by confining its use and purpose. In this paper we catagorize the process of signifying clothes that appears in the Byongkut as follows : first removing the clothes, secondly putting on the clothes, and thirdly burning off the clothes. Removing the clothes is a process of dramatic realization and clearly shows proven facts about the things that will occur in the process. Putting on the clothes is a process of falsified expression in which the interest is transferred from the person who wears the clothes to the clothes itself by the shaman's insinuation who leads an interpretation about the clothes. Buring off the clothes is a pro-cess of mystification in which the end of Byongkut is sublimated mistiriously by making the partici-pants believe with the burning that the clothes and the diseases have been curred, and therefore, the ritual is kept from spoiling. The clothes used in Byongkut that religious belief and belief system are expressed through behavior style, and that supernatural power is designed to reveal is related with the various aspects of symbolic life indicated by the clothes.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.25
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• pp.131-158
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• 2011

In the Sakha(Yakutia) Republic, culture and politics continue to be interwined. Shamanism recently has come out of hiding after Soviet repression, and into fashion. Images of the shaman are changing in villages, where traditional healers have maintained their practices in difficult conditions, and in cities, where a resurgence of spirit belief and healing has led to the revitalization of their nationalism. Shamans and folk healers manipulate their own images, and in turn are changed by the upheavals of politicized cultural revitalization. In this complex and interactive context, folklore about traditional shamans has become especially rich and accessible. I argue here that religion has become an idiom through which competing definitions of homeland and national pride are being shaped. Until September 2002, Yakutsk had never had a 'temple' devoted to the practice of traditional shamanic beliefs. Indeed the whole concept that a building 'Archie Jiete' could contain or represent the beliefs, values and rituals of the Sakha people was new, and highly controversial.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.37
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• pp.33-60
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• 2018

This article is to present that the research on the Mudang Gut Chum should be within the context of the performance of Mudang Gut and examines its meanings and implications with focus on Seoul Mudang Gut Chum and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chum. Seoul and Hwanghae-do Mudang Gut Chums do not exist in the form of simple dance or movement. They feature continuity while serving the function of revealing the existence of spirit and sometimes show the process of the spirit joining the Gut ritual, which means that the Mudang Gut Chum should not be understood as the dance itself only. Instead, care attention should be paid to the status of the tune of Gut where the dance is placed, relationship between the gut and the spirit, and the flow of narrativity. Also, the Mudang Gut Chum has a lot to do with the tune. Looking at the Mudang Gut Chum simply focusing on dancing steps, and the movement of feet and/or hands fails to gain an accurate understanding of the fundamentals of the Mudang Gut Chum. Closely connected to the tune, which is also associated with the grade of the spirit, the dance shows a variety of performances conducted by entering the Gut ritual of the spirit. In that respect, complex views on the Mudang Gut Chum are required. The same applies to the hereditary shaman Mudang Gut as well. The Korean Mudang Gut Chum has a slight difference between the Gangshinmu gut and the hereditary gut but is in basically the same aspect. The Gut Chum holds its meaning in the flow of gutgeori (tune or dance performed during exorcism, a shaman song) and delivers its own meaning in connection with the tune. It is definitely meaningful to focus on the individual movements of a dancing shaman but one should be able to derive the network of meanings that such movements have within the performance of the gutgeori, which means that intensive studies on the field performance and circumstances should be completed before studying the Mudang Gut Chum. In addition, the Mudang Gut Chum discloses the characteristics of the performance group. The Mudang Gut Chum exists in a complex manner. With respects to the status of the spirit, it shows the characteristics of the performance group. It represents the progress of Gut while closely connected with the tune. Therefore, the way of describing the Mudang Gut Chum should be far more than just simply keeping the dance notations. With this in mind, one should investigate and record the Mudang Gut Chum.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.4-23
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• 2010

Danggol, in other words the hereditary shaman, is a person who is performing the Gut(the Korean shamanistic ritual) as the job but fortuneteller simply tells someone's fortunes. Nowadays most of fortunetellers think their works are wholly managed the Gut as the holy jobs. But Generally this kinds of jobs, we think it is lower than ordinary people's level of education in the korea. Actually we can meet eleven fortunetellers who have a college diploma out of them, so we can know that their education's level is increasing gradually. On the other hand a house of fortunetellers is the place where can lead the way of our lives in the method of seeing one's past life or making predictions of someone's coming events etc. Gradually this place seems to be separated with a private home, so the most of them is managing as the monthly rent. Consequently this houses are heavily located at the Gyerim five-way crossing, the Yang-dong Dakjeonmeory street, Jungheung-dong local culture street area. Each fortunetellers have the different ways of fortune-telling because this methods are decided by their one's characters. So their fortune-telling time and its time required for a task is far different. The methods of telling it is very much different in accordance with the learning fortuneteller or spiritualistic fortuneteller. But the process of fortune-telling is common like as a preparatory stage, carrying a Jumsa(fortune-telling) stage and acting by a Jumsa stage. These steps are sequential but linked together. There are six special features of fortune-telling culture in Gwang-Ju. 1. The role of a fortuneteller and Bosal(spirit-descended shaman) runs at the same time. 2. The house of fortune-telling is doing Gutdang(ritual house)'s works. 3. Its location are heavily collectivized at the specific districts. 4. The learning fortuneteller are increasing gradually. 5. The youth are growing use in the fortune-telling house. 6. There are many person that are visiting this house because of individual problems not their family's problems.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.25 no.3
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• pp.303-345
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• 2019

This article analyzes the multi-layered communication in the Webtoon Princess Pari, released on the Daum portal site, created (written and illustrated) by Kim Naim, through analyzing the narrative structure and comments with the qualitative / quantitative methodology. The webtoon Princess Pari is structured in an omnibus style in which unit narratives are intermittently articulated, multi-lined, and interconnected. As integrated narratives which link with unitary narratives, Pari's growth story as a shaman and a romance narrative are structured. The classical original story of the shaman was used as a prehistory corresponding to the prequel of the webtoon through a preview, and the writer restructured the narrative to overcome the contradictions of the gender asymmetry and the patriarchal ideology of the original text. The viewer then creates a conversational space by giving critical and reflective comments. According to a statistical analysis conducted through sampling, the types of comments can be classified as follows: Appreciation and criticism of the contents ≫ Emotional response ≫ Intuitive overall review ≫ Knowledge and reflection ≫ Comments on comments. In the process of creation and acceptance of the Webtoon, a multi-layered dialogue between classical and modern, content and audience, acceptance and creation has been at play. In the creation dimension, the writer used a device to fill the gap of mythical symbols of the contents. At the level of the audience, they formed a culture of sharing information, knowledge, and reflection about tradition/folk/culture through comments. This corresponds to classical and modern dialogue through the webtoon. The viewers form a sympathetic bond, attempt hermeneutical coordination, supplement the information, and search for a balanced angle through controversial conversation. In addition, by commenting on attitudes, views, and perspective, the commentators showed a behavioral pattern corresponding to meta-criticism in literature. The viewers' comments acted as feedback on the creation of the webtoons, so that the creation and acceptance itself influenced the production of the content of the webtoon. The webtoon Princess Pari, which was based on Korean classical narrative, has been reorganized onto 'moving and dynamic' content, which leads to sense, thinking, criticism and reflection through the formation of various dialogues.

• Journal of Korean Academy of Fundamentals of Nursing
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.288-309
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• 1999

This survey was done to construct a nursing theory according to Korean culture and to identify the Korean traditional view. From ancient time until now, shamanism has played an important role as determinant of Korean culture and of the personality formation of Korean people. The subjects are 321 patients and member of their families who were over 18 years old, and who are living in five large cities and two rural communities in Korea. Data collection was done from March, 8th to April, 29th in 1999. SPSS The tool developed by the investigator through literature review was used to measure the perception and the attitude of patients and their families to Korean shamanism. Collected data were analyzed by frequency, percent and $x^2$ test with SPSS program. The results are summarized as follows ; 1) While 35% of respondents answed that the destiny or fate(八字) was only relied on the abilities and endeavor of individual, 65% of respondents were fatalists(運命論者) or eclectic(折衷主義者) are compromised between the fate and endeavor. 2) While half of the respondents belief in divination(占) to some degree, the rest of them reported hardly any belief in divination. 3) There were almost twice as many respondents who directly consulted fortune-tellers were as respondents who did not consult fortunetellers. 4) The reasons for consulting fortunetellers were job problems, home problems, health problems by in that order. 5) The respondents almost always interpreted the cause of physical disease and mental disease as being psycho-sociological, but 1% of them explained mental disease as a shamanistic manitestation. 6) In case of disease, the reasons for consulting a fortuneteller was a) no hope of recovery from the sickness in any other way, b) the chronic disease in that order. 7) Of the respondents, 65% answered that diseases could not be cured by a 'Gut' (the performance done by the shaman), but 27% of respondents thought that disease could be cured by a 'Gut' in the case of mental disease. 8) Sixty six percent of the respondents answered that they have experienced praying for their wishes with clean water(井華水). 9) While 54% of the respondents answered that they have seen or heard the 'Beung Gut'(the performance to pray for recovery of sickness done by the shaman), 46% responded that they have never seen or heard it. 10) To the question 'do you intend to have a 'Beung Gut', 51.7% of respondents answer 'no' strongly, but 48% of them say 'yes' or took a compromising attitude. 11) Generally the respondents differed in perception and attitude to shamanism. In short, females more than males, old aged more than younger aged, lower educated more than higher educated, believers in Buddhism more than believers in any other religion, and blue color more than white color have more positive attitudes to shamanism. Also men living in rural communities have more positive attitude to shamanism than men living in the large cities. Consequently, Shamanism can be understood as an anxiety relieving cultural system even though Shamanism itself looks like a cultural complex.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Food Culture
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• v.3 no.3
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• pp.219-243
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• 1988

The sacrificial rite has its origin in the old China's primitive folkways faith based upon animism (B.C. 25c). From the animistic faith, Confucianism made its appearance in B.C. 551. Inevitably, the procedure of Confucian sacrificial rite was developed on the basis of the preceding primitive faith. In Korean culture, the god of Chinese Confucianism introduced to Korea in A.D. 108 was mixed properly with that of Buddhism imported in A.D. 372. Traditionally, Korean primitive religion (from B.C. 10c to B.C. 2c) was the sacrificial rite practiced by 'shaman.' The 'shaman' who was able to utilize ecstasy for the good of community was gods itself, and naturally the main form of the sacrificial rite was an exorcism with a sacrificial offering (food). After Korean primitive religion had been grafted to Buddhism and Confucianism, the character of Korean culture had to become compound. The most essential conception in sacrificial rite is a discrimination of a ghost, one is the evil spirit and the other is the good spirit. According to this conception, the good spirit is a spirit which ascended to heaven, in contrast, the evil spirit is a one which did not ascend to heaven and dispersed into this world. The sacrificial rite is a method to help the evil spirit ascend to heaven or to prevent harms from it. The mode of sacrificial rite especially the dead ancestor worship was transmitted from generation to generation as a purpose of the wealth and honors of descendants. Descendants believed that the evil spirit would not harm them only after receiving sufficient food and the right sacrifice. As a result, the sacrificial rite food was the sign of filial piety and a compensation for the evil spirit. How did the Korean religious culture which was consisted of three different religions-Shamanism, Buddhism. Confucianism-be combined and transformed? The author focused the mixture and transformation of the procedure of sacrificial rite and the arrangement of sacrificial food in each religion. In this thesis, the author studied first, the conception in sacrificial rite, second, the items of sacrificial rite food according to each period. In consequence of the research, each religion had lost its uniqueness and became mixed to each other and settle down in Korean culture.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.365-414
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• 2018

This paper studied the type and character of the Divinity in Korean shamanism. The study of the Divinity means the hierarchy of shamanism, the relationship between shamanism and divinity, and the comparison between shamanism and divinity. The study of the shamanistic divinity based on Kim Tae - Gon's collection of anthology by Shaman(1971). The Jaesugut was composed of the contents of the gods blessing human beings. The JaesuGut of Seoul vary from 10 to 18 depending on the author. The JaesuGut of Goseong consists of 8 Gut. The essence of the ritual gut is to pray for the peace of the individual by using the world which is not explained by reason and science. It is a reincarnation that reflects the world of experience that is stored in the memory of human being that both reason and science can not explain. And the desire to escape from fear was reflected in Jaesu Gut. Every Jaesu Gut in Seoul and Goseong has a main divinity. This main divinity is attached to the divinity in another Gut and becomes a subordination divinity. It also becomes a subordinate-subordination divinity to the another Gut. The gods of reincarnation are basically taken in the order of national security ${\rightarrow}$ local security ${\rightarrow}$ home security.