This study suggests that Korea - Russia economic cooperation, which has been sluggish in the meantime, should be revitalized as a small, medium sized business that can be practiced at the local level of both countries. Some large scales of national projects were difficult to realize due to some internal and external factors. Therefore, if Russia's Far East region of the complementary economic structure with the Korea's Gyeonggi Province of Korea could form the basis of cooperation by centering on SMEs, it further can be positive for promoting cooperation among South Korea, North Korea and Russia. The trilateral cooperation among two Koreas and Russia is necessary for the balance of political and economic powers in the East Asia. China's retaliation case regarding THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) clearly showed that the greater the economic dependence on a particular country, the more threatening it could be. Therefore, it is important for the political and economic security to keep the balance by diversifying economic cooperation counterparts. As China's influence in the global economy grows, building value chains for mutual prosperity with various neighboring countries is gaining great importance. To this end, this paper examined Russia's Eurasian Strategy, New East Policy, and Far East Development Policy which were designed to seek the way to establish Russia's independent economic zone not absorbed by Europe and China.

Within the discipline of International Relations (IR), the literatures on global governance (GG) and great power management (GPM) at best ignore each other, and at worst treat the other as a rival or enemy. On the one hand, the GPM literature, like both realism in all its forms, and neoliberalism, takes for granted the ongoing, disproportionate influence of the great powers in the management of the international system/society, and does not look much beyond that. On the other hand, the GG literature emphasizes the roles of smaller states, non-state actors and intergovernmental organizations (IGOs), and tends to see great powers more as part of the problem than as part of the solution. This paper argues that the rise to prominence of a non-traditional security agenda, and particularly of human security, has triggered a de facto merger of GPM and GG that the IR literature usually treated as separate and often opposed theories. We use the Ebola crisis of 2014-15 to show how an issue framed as human security brought about a multi-actor response that combined the key elements of GPM and GG. The security framing overrode many of the usual inhibitions between great powers and non-state actors in humanitarian crises, including even the involvement of great power military forces. Through examining broadly the way in which the Ebola crisis is tackled, we argue that in an age of growing human security challenges, GPM and GG are necessarily and fruitfully merging. The role of great powers in this new human security environment is moving away from the simple means and ends of traditional GPM. Now, great powers require the ability to cooperate and coordinate with multiple-level actors to make the GG/GPM nexus more effective and sustainable. In doing so they can both provide crucial resources quickly, and earn respect and status as responsible great powers. IGOs provide legitimation and coordination to the GPM/GG package, and non-state actors (NSAs) provide information, specialist knowledge and personnel, and links into public engagement. In this way, the unique features of the Ebola crisis provide a model for how the merger of GPM and GG might be taken forward on other shared-fate threats facing global international society.

What motivates split-ticket voting in mixed electoral systems, where voters choose one party in district races and another party on the party list ballot? While much of the literature assumes strategic intent, three aspects commonly are overlooked: the competitiveness of district races, the presence of a district candidate from one's preferred party, and whether voters know the electoral threshold for party list seats. Furthermore, few studies disaggregate types of split-ticket voting (e.g. not voting for one's preferred party in a district vs. party list). Taiwan provides an intriguing case study for analysis, not only as a relatively new adopter of a mixed system, but also the presence of additional conditions that would encourage at least the consideration of a split ticket. Using survey data from the Taiwan's Election and Democratization Studies (TEDS) after the Taiwan's 2016 Legislative Yuan election, this analysis finds that knowing the threshold, the winner's margin, and the placement of a district candidate from one's preferred party all influence split-ticket voting among those with a partisan preference. However, closer inspection identifies a distinction between defecting from the district versus the party list. Evidence shows that district competitiveness and candidate placement influences defection from the district candidate, while the electoral threshold influences defection from the party list. The results add to our understanding of strategic and non-strategic incentives in mixed systems.

Throughout history, there are three clues of dualistic structures for the development of Hong Kong's nativism. First, inward attribution and outward lookingare two paths to the formation of Hong Kong's nativism. In the dualistic framework of "self-others", nativism is formed. The formation path of "outward looking"can be seen everywhere in the construction history of Hong Kong's nativism. It is under the reflection of "two mirrors" with Britain and Chinese mainland that Hong Kong people acquire the concept of "Hong Kong's nativism". Second, there are two aspects of Hong Kong's nativism: economic and cultural aspect and political aspect. With the gradual development of Hong Kong's history, these two aspects come into being and are closely bound up, thus constituting Hong Kong's nativism today. The third clue is the most critical one. The subjectivity of colonization and decolonization are two different forms of Hong Kong people's subjectivity. These three clues run through the whole process of the construction of Hong Kong nativism, and are carried out in three stages of development: "Origin (1960s-1970s): Preliminary Construction of Hong Kong's Nativism", "Development of Hong Kong's Nativism (1980s-1997): Awakening of Political Aspect" and "Formation and Alienation of Hong Kong's Nativism (1997-present): Deformed "decolonization". Along the evolution of Hong Kong's nativism, with the disintegration of colonialism, Hong Kong people have gradually transited from the subjectivity of colonization to the subjectivity of decolonization, but the process of "decolonization" has not been completed up to now.When nativism loses its native complex from the perspective of "inherent in China", and further develops into the "separatism" of anti-constitutional system and anti-national continuity and unity, it will challenge the stability of the relationship between the central government and the Special Administrative Region under the "one country, two systems". At the same time, it will have a greater impact on the political structure and the rule of law system of Hong Kong, and trigger a series of public law problems that need to be solved urgently. In this regard, on the one hand, we should re-clarify the relationship between the central government and the region under the "one country, two systems" in light of the new situation of democratic political development in Hong Kong, and improve Hong Kong's governance mechanism on the basis of the constitution and the basic law; on the other hand, we should actively learn from the German defensive democracy system to systematically interpret, integrate and apply Hong Kong's existing legal resources so as to effectively curb the development of local separatist forces.

The linkages between asset prices and macroeconomic outcomes are long-standing issue to both economists and monetary authorities. This paper explores the impact of asset prices on output and price in China. It focuses on the impacts of asset prices on the low quantiles of GDP gap and high quantiles of price gaprespectively. The main findings are the following: the influence of stock price gap, stock returns, and money growth on the different quantile of GDP gap and price gap are noticeable different, and there are significant impacts on the left tail of GDP gap distribution and on the right tail of price gap distribution. This implies that the results coming from simple regression will underestimate the economic risk imposed by asset price volatility. Moreover, these results also provide the caveat that one should cautiously distinguish the meaning of asset price gap and asset price growth rate and use them, through their contents are similar in some sense. One implication for monetarypolicy is that authority should interpret the relationship between asset prices and macro-economy in wider perspectives, and make the policy decision taking the impacts of asset prices on the tails of economy.