The urban modernity that became an irresistible model for elites in Asia in the decades before and after 1900 was far from being gender-neutral. It represented an exceptional peak of patriarchy in its exclusion of respectable middle class women from the work force, from ownership and control of property and from politics. Marriage was indissoluble and the wife's role in the male-headed nuclear family was to care for and educate the abundant children she produced. Puritan religious values underlined the perils for women of falling outside this pattern of dependence on the male. Though upheld as modern and civilized, this ideal was in particularly striking contrast with the pre-colonial Southeast Asian pattern of economic autonomy and balance between women and men, and the relative ease of female-initiated divorce. Although attractive to many western-educated Southeast Asian men, including religious reformers determined to 'save' and domesticate women, urban respectability of this type was a poor fit for women accustomed to dominant roles in commerce and marketing, and at least equal ones in production. Southeast Asian relative failure in the high colonial era to adapt to the modern market economy may also have a gendered explanation. We should not be surprised that patriarchy and puritanism became more important in Southeast Asia as it urbanized in the late 20th Century, since this was echoing the European experience a century earlier. The question remains how far Southeast Asia could retain its relatively balanced gender pattern in face of its eventual rapid urbanization and commercial development.

This paper presents an investigation into cross-cultural transfiguration of Buddhist faith in Goryeo Dynasty, with a focus on $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra that used to be in vogue in East Asia. There are three major types of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith in Goryeo: the first one was concerned about the scripture itself including its citation and publication and the compilation of its annotation books; the second one involved establishing Buddhist rituals related to the scripture; and the final one was to create Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles with Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Volume 7 of the scripture engraved in stone. While it was the common practice to engrave Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in China, the number of stone poles on which Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ was engraved was overwhelmingly large. There are a couple of reasons behind the difference: first, there was a tendency of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ being worshiped at the national level in Goryeo, which probably explains why the percentage of Zunsheng Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles designed to pray for a personal mass for the dead by engraving Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ on a stone pole was considerably low. In addition, there were esoteric sects in Goryeo, and it is estimated that they must have got involved in the establishment of Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles in the former half of Goryeo. Furthermore, the Zen sects had a deep non-Zen understanding of Esoteric Buddhism and tended to practice Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ in Goryeo. It is estimated that Dafoding Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$ stone poles were set up in large numbers in Goryeo as the prevalence of $\acute{S}\bar{u}$raṃgama-s$\bar{u}$tra faith that continued on since the former half of Goryeo was combined with the Zen sects' active position about Dh$\bar{a}$ran$\bar{i}$.

This paper examines A. G. Frank's views about 15th-19th Korea (Joseon Dynasty) in his Reorient. A. G. Frank recognized that Korea might have played a great role in the international relations of East Asia, but he did not write systematically about it and he did not treat Korea as an independent player in the history of East Asia. I think the greatest limitation to his re-interpretation of East Asia is in that he depends too much on China's and Japan's perspective. In order to overcome Frank's shortcomings regarding the history of Korea, first I examine what Frank recognized about the Joseon dynasty between 1400 and 1800. Next I compare Joseon's development to that of China and Japan between 1400 and 1800. Frank compared Europe and East Asia (mainly China and Japan) from three aspects of quantities (population, production, productivity, and trade), qualities (science and technology), and mechanism (economic and financial institutions). With this research we insist that Joseon should not be dismissed in 15th-19th East Asia. The reasons are as follows. First, Joseon between 1400 and 1800 had developed economically as much as China and Japan. Second, Joseon had played a great role in connecting China and Japan and had a positive influence on the development of Japan. So we need to reappraise Reorient's view about East Asia. Only when role of Joseon can be correctly estimated, the dynamics and diversity of East Asia can be properly understood.

The Aid-India Consortium was organized in 1958 as an international scheme to support the economic development of India, and led by the World Bank. This article reconsiders the economic diplomacy of the Indian Government in the 1950s and 1960s, by paying attention to the interactions between the Indian authorities and the donor countries and institutions, in the context of the Cold War regime, decolonization and economic aid to the newly independent countries. First, it deals with the development of the Aid-India Consortium by considering debates at its annual meetings and the skillful negotiations of the Indian Government and financial authorities. It focuses especially on the leading role of an Indian diplomat and financial expert, B. K. Nehru. The article then tries to reveal an Indian initiative in solving the 'food crises' of 1965-67 through intimate collaboration with the US government and the World Bank, using the framework of the Aid-India Consortium. These attempts lead to a reconsideration of the economic order of Asia in the 1950s and 1960s.