• Magazine of the Korean Society of Agricultural Engineers
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• v.15 no.3
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• pp.3059-3088
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• 1973

The Object of research was laid on the dry paddy field which had a low level of underground water, rather than on a paddy field with a high level of underground water. In the treatment of the clay paddy field before transplanting we employed 3 kinds of methods; deep plowing, development of cracks by drying the surface of the field under which pipe drain was built. This study was to find which one, among these three methods, is the most effective to let roots extend to deep zone and increase the yield of rice and at the same time, for trafficability of large scale machinery which will be introduced to the harvest, in the light of the earth bearing capacity in relation with underground drainage. In the treatments of plots, 1) the kyong plot was plowed 39 days before transplanting and dried, 2) the kyun plot was plowed again 2days before transplanting after plowing 39 days before transplanting, leveling field surface in the saturation with water and developing the cracks by drying, 3) the kyunam plot was plowed again 2 days before transplanting after setting the drainage pipe and at the same time plowing 39 days before transplanting, leveling field surface in the saturation with water and developing the cracks by drying. Also each plot above had three different levels of soil depth, respectively; that is 15cm, 25cm, 35cm. The kyong plot with 15cm-depth was he control. The results obtained were as follows; 1. The kyunam plot showed a remarkably lager amount of water consumption by better underground drainage than the kyong and the kyun plot, and the kyong plot indicated a greater amount of water consumption than the kyun plot. Therefore the amount of available rainfall was decreased in the order of kyunam>kyong>kyun. The net duty of water decreased in the order of kyunam>kyong>kyun and its showed about 105cm in depth at the kyunam plot, about 70cm in depth at the kyong plot and about 45cm in depth at kyun plot, regardless of soil depth. 2. According to the tendency that the weight of the total root was effected by the maximum depth of the crack, it seemed that the root development was more affected by the depth of the crack than by only the crack itself. The weight of the total roots tended to increase as the depth of the crack got deeper and deeper, and the weight of the total roots was increased in the order of kyun<kyunam<kyong. 3. In the growing of the plant height, the difference did not appear at the beginning of growing(peak period of tillering) of any plot, But for the mid period of growing(ending period of tillering) to the period of young panicle formation, the deeper the depth of plot is, the more the growing goes down. On the contrary at the late period of growing, growth was more vigorous in the plot with deep depth than in the plot with shallow depth. Since the midperiod of growing, in the light of experimental treatment, the kyun plot was not better in growing than the other two plots and no remarkable defference was shown between the kyunam and the kyong plot, but the kyunam plot had the tendency of superiority in growing plant height. 4. As the depth of plot went deeper, the decreasing tendency was shown in the number of tillers through a whole period of growingi. When the above results were observed concering each plot of experimental treatment, the kyun plot was always smaller in the number of tiilers than the kyunam and the kvong plot, and the kyong plot was slightly larger than the kyunam plot in the number of tillers. 5. When each plot of the different experimental treatments was compared with the control plot(15-kyong), yield(weight of grains) was increased by 17% for the 35-kyong plot, by 10% for the 35-kyunam and yields for the other plots were less or nomore than the control plot. On the whole, as the depth of plot went deeper, yields for plots was increased in the order of kyong>kyunam>kyun. 1% of significance between the levels of depths and 5% of significance between the treatments were shown. 6. The depth of consumptive water which was more effective on the weight of grains is that of the last half period. When the depth of consumptive water was increased at the range of less than 2.7cm/day in the 15cm plot, 3.0cm/day in the 25cm plot and 3.3cm/day in the 35cm plot, the weight of grains was increased, and at the same time the weight of grains was increased as the depth of plot went deeper. The deeper plots was of advantage to the productivity at the same depth of consumptive water. 7. The increase in the weight of grains in propertion to the weighte of root showed a tendency to increase depending on the depth of plot at each plot of the same weight of roots. The weight of roots and grains together increasezd in the order of kyun>kyunam>kyong, considering each treatment of experimental plot. The weight of grains was in relation to the minimum water content ratio during the midperiod of surface drainage and the average earth temperature was mainly affected by the minimum water content ratio because it was relatively increased in proportion to the water content ratio(at less than 40%) 8. The weight ratio of straw to grain showed an increasing tendency at the plot of shallow depth and had a relation of an inversely exponental function to the weight of roots. At the same depth of plot except the 15cm plot, the weight ratio of straw to grain was increased in proportion to the depth of consumptive water. The weight of grains was increased as the depth of consumptive water was increased to some extent, but at the same time the weight of ratio of straw to grain was increased. 9. At a certain texture of soils the increase in the amount of the cracks depends on meteorological conditions, especially increase in amounts of pan evaporation. So if it rains during the progressing of field drying the cracks largely decrease. The amount of cracks of clay soil had relation of inversely exponental function to the water content ratio(at more than 25%). The maximum depth of crack kept generally a constant value at less than 30% of water content ratio. 10. The cone index showed the tendency that it was propertional to the amount of cracks within a certain limit but more or less inversely proportional over a certain limit. The water content ratio at the limit may be about 25%. 11. The increase in the cone index with the progressing of time after final surface drainage showed the tendency that it was proportional to the depth of consumptive water at the last half of growing period. Based on the same depth of if the cone index in the kyunam plot was much larger than in the other two plots and that in the kyong plot was much smaller than in the kyun plott, as long as the depth of plot was deeper, especially in the 35-kyong plot. 12. In the light of a situation where water content ratio of soil decreased and the cone index increased after final surface drainage the porogress of the field dryness was much more rapid in the kyunam plot than in the kyong plot and the kyun plot, especially slowest in the kyong plot. In the plot with deeper zone the progress was much slower. The progress requiring the value of the cone index, $2.5kg/cm^2$, that working machinary can move easily on the field changed with the time of final surface drainage and the amount of rainfall, but without nay rain it required, in the kyunam plot, about 44mm in total amount of pan evaporation and more than 50mm in the other two plots. Therefore the drying in the kyunam plot was generally more rapid in the kyunam plot was generally more rapid over 2days than in the kyun plot, and especially may be more rapid over 5days than in the 35-kyong plot.

• KOREAN JOURNAL OF CROP SCIENCE
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• v.4 no.1
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• pp.115-124
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• 1968

It was shown that the most desirable characters for kenaf are high-fiber weight and moderately early maturity. Therefore, the objectives of this research on this crop is to find varieties possessing these characteristics. The experiments covered in this report provided new information relative to segregation, mode of inheritance, estimate of the number of genes involved in fiber weight and their response to short day length of 10 hours and the qualitative characters, such as, color of stem, capsule, petiole and shape of leaves. The associations which exist among these characters are also indicated. Fiber weight per plant, days to flowering, Stem color, Petiole color, Capsule color, and shape of leaves were studied in parental, $F_1$.$F_2$and backcross populations of a cross between Dashkent, a low-fiber weight but early maturing kenaf variety, and G 38 F-1, a high-fiber weight but late maturing kenaf variety. Crosses were made using the varieties, Dashkent and G 38 F-1 as parents. The Dashkent parent had the following characteristics: green stems, capsules and petioles and lobed shaped leaves; 105.8234 mean-days to flowering in the field, and 106.9222 mean-days under 10 hours short day treatment. The other parent, G 38 F-1 had red stems yellow capsules and red petioles and unlobed shaped leaves; 149.8921 mean-days to flowering in the field, and 62.3684 mean-days under 10 hours short day treatment. Both of the parents, $F_1$, $F_2$, $BC_1$ ($F_1$ X Dashkent, ) and $BC_2$($F_1$ ${\times}$ G38F-1) of the kenaf cross were grown at the Crops Experiment Station, Suwon, Korea in 1965. Color of stems, petioles and capsules, and shape of leaves were noted to be simply inherited as a single factor. Red stem color was dominant over green stem color, red petiole color was dominant over green petiole, lobed shaped leaves were dominant over unlobed shaped leaves and yellow capsules were dominant over green capsule. It was, also, noted that the factor for color of petiole was linked with the factor for shape of leaf with a 11.9587 percent recombination value, however no interaction or linkage were found among the color of stem and capsule color. Using Powers partitioning method, theoretical means and frequency distributions for each population, the days to flowering were calculated with the assumption that two gene pairs were involved. The values obtained fitted the theoretical values. In general this would indicate that Dashkent and G 38 F -1 were differentiated by two gene pairs. Heritability values were calculated as the percent of additive genetic variance. Heritability value of days to flowering, 89.5% in the broad sense and 79.91% in the narrow sense, indicated that the selection for this character would be effective in relatively early generations. Particularly, high positive correlations were found between days to flowering and the color of petioles and shape of leaves. However, there was no relation between days to flowering and capsule color nor between these and stem color. On the basis of the results of this experiment there is evidence that the hereditary factor for shape of leaves and the color of petioles is linked with an effective factor or factors for the characters of days to flowering. The association was sufficiently close to offer a possible simple and efficient means of selection for moderately early mat. uring plants by leaf shape and petiole color selection. Again using Powers partitioning method the frequency distribution for each population to the fiber weight were calculated with the assumption that two gene pairs, AaBb, were involved. Both phenotypic and genotypic dominance were complete. The obtained value did not agree with the theoretical value for $F_2$ and $BC_1$ ($F_1$ ${\times}$ Dashkent.) It seems that Dashkent and G 38 F-1 were differentiated by two major gene pairs but some the other minor genes are necessary. It is certain that the hereditary factor for shape of leaves and color of petioles is linked with an effective factor or factors for fiber weight. Also, high. yielding plants with moderately early maturity were found in the $F_2$ population. Thus, simultaneous selection for high-fiber yield and moderately early maturing plants should be possible in these populations. Phenotypic and genotypic correlation coefficients between fiber weight per plant and days to flowering, stem height and stem diameter were calculated. In general, genotypic correlations are higher than the phenotypic correlation. The highest correlation is found between stem height and fiber weight per plant (0.7852 in genotypic and 0.4103 in phenotypic) and between days to flowering and fiber weight per plant (0.7398 in genotypic and 0.3983 in phenotypic.) It was also expected that the selection of high stem height and moderately early maturing plants were given the efficient means of selection for high fiber weight.

• Journal of Plant Biology
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• v.3 no.1
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• pp.1-15
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• 1960

HARN, Chang Yawl : Studies on the dimorphism and Fertility of Persicaria japonica (MEISSNER) Gross et Nakai. Kor Jour. Bot. 3(I) 1-15 1960 Numerous investigations, since the works of DARWIN, have been made regarding the heterostylous plants by JOST (1907), CORRENS (1924), LAIBACK (1924), LEWIS (1943), and many others. Studies on the heterostylous Polygomum, however, were not reported except for the buckwhent, Fagopyrum esculentum, which was investigated by SCHOCH-BODMER (1930), EAST (1934), FROLOVA & Co-Workers (1946), MORRIS (1947, 1951) TATEBE (1949, 1951, 1953), present author (1957), and others. It is because no heterostylous species, besides buckwheat, have been known to exist in the Polygonum family. The author, during his studies on both heterostylism and fertility of Polygonaceae, has found that the species, persicaria japonica (Meissner) Gross et Nakai, is not diecious as has been known in taxonomy, but in reality beterostylous both morphologically and physiologically. It was found that this plant, regarded by taxonomist, as a male plant setting no seed, actually set seed (botanical fruit) when legitimate combination was made. Since his brief report on the dimorphic phenomens of this plant in 1956, the author's further research on the manner of fertilization has revealed that this species is a peculiar type whose dimorphism has undergone extreme specialization structurally and physiologically, the short-styled individual behaving in nature as a male plant and the long-styled individual, as female, whereas in controllled pollination the plant shows highly differentiated typical dimorphism. When compared with the other dimorphous species of this family, F. esculentum and P. sentiosa. it has been clarified that these three species differ in the degree of differentiation of their dimorphism morphologically and physiologically. That is, P. japonica has developed such a high specialization as to mislead the taxonomists, while P. senticosa shows almost no noticeable difference between long- and shortstyled individuals retaining most of the inherent physiological character cmmon to the genus except for the fact that it has two forms of flowers. F. esculentum appears to have taken the intermediate position in every respect. The result obtained in the present experiment are summarized as follows: 1) P. japonica has two kinds of individuals, one long style-short stamened; the other, short style-long stamened. The floral structure of this plants shows typical characteristics of dimorphic heterostylism. The differentiation between the two forms of flower has proceeded so highly both in primary and secondary difference of flower structure that this may be regarded as the most specialized form of dimorphism. 2) The differences of floral structure between the long and short styled individuals are remarkable compared with the other dimorphic species of the family. 3) The stamens of long styled plants show the sign of deteriolation whereas those of the short styled flower are well-developed. 4) When legitimate combinations are made, both L- and S-styled individuals are fertilized well and set seed (fruit), while in the illegitimate combination no fertilization and seed setting occur. Physiologically this species exhibits the typical behavior of dimorphic plants. 5) The self-fertile character, so common in other species of the other non-heterostyle Polygonum family, has disappeared completely. 6) Under natural conditions, no or few seed setting is observed in short styled individuals that behave as if they were male plants. 7) In hand pollination, the combination of both $L{\times}S$ and $S{\times}L$ alike yield relatively good fertility and seed-formation, the behavior of short styled individuals in artificial pollination differing remarkably from that in nature. 8) Under controlled pollination, $L{\times}S$ combination sets far more seed than in the combination of $S{\times}L$. In the S-styled individuals, the fertilized flower has the tendency of its seed more readily falling off in every stage of seed development than in the L-styled individuals. 9) The behaviors of pollen tubes just parallels the results of fertility test. That is, in the illegitimate combination, L-selfed, $L{\times}L$, S-selfed, and $S{\times}S$, the growth of pollen tubes is checked in the style, while in legitimately combined $L{\times}S$ and $S{\times}L$, the pollen tubes grow well reaching the ovaries within 40-50 minutes after pollination. The response of short styled individuals, known as male plant among taxonomists, is identical, as far as behavior fo pollen tube growth and fertilization are concerned, to that of long styled individuals, the so-called female plant. 10) The pollen grains from the short-styled plants are complete and fertile, whereas 70% of those of L-styled are found to be abortive, i.e., empty contents. 11) The remaining 30% of pollen of L-plant shows varied degree of stainability when stained with iron-aceto-carmine......mostly light red, while the pollen grains of S-style individuals are dark brown indicating complete fertility and viability. 12) The abundance of sterile pollen in L-styled and the nature of seed-dropping which occurs in S-styled individuals appear to be the main causes why the short styled individuals bear no seed in nature. Under controlled legitimate union, $S{\times}L$, the careful and elaborate pollination would give the S-styoled flowers the opportunities to receive the fertile pollens, though few in number, from L-styled plant, thus enabling S-plant to bear seed. 13) This species is not dioecious as is regarded by taxonomists, but typical dimorphic plant which has so highly specialized in floral structures and funcitons that the long-styled plant behaves just like a female individual; and the short-styled, like a male.

• Asia Marketing Journal
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.65-96
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• 2012

Brand has received much attention from considerable marketing research. When consumers consume product or services, they are exposed to a lot of brand related stimuli. These contain brand personality, brand experience, brand identity, brand communications and so on. A special kind of new crisis occasionally confronting companies' brand management today is the brand related rumor. An important influence on consumers' purchase decision making is the word-of-mouth spread by other consumers and most decisions are influenced by other's recommendations. In light of this influence, firms have reasonable reason to study and understand consumer-to-consumer communication such as brand rumor. The importance of brand rumor to marketers is increasing as the number of internet user and SNS(social network service) site grows. Due to the development of internet technology, people can spread rumors without the limitation of time, space and place. However relatively few studies have been published in marketing journals and little is known about brand rumors in the marketplace. The study of rumor has a long history in all major social science. But very few studies have dealt with the antecedents and consequences of any kind of brand rumor. Rumor has been generally described as a story or statement in general circulation without proper confirmation or certainty as to fact. And it also can be defined as an unconfirmed proposition, passed along from people to people. Rosnow(1991) claimed that rumors were transmitted because people needed to explain ambiguous and uncertain events and talking about them reduced associated anxiety. Especially negative rumors are believed to have the potential to devastate a company's reputation and relations with customers. From the perspective of marketer, negative rumors are considered harmful and extremely difficult to control in general. It is becoming a threat to a company's sustainability and sometimes leads to negative brand image and loss of customers. Thus there is a growing concern that these negative rumors can damage brands' reputations and lead them to financial disaster too. In this study we aimed to distinguish antecedents of brand rumor transmission and investigate the effects of brand rumor characteristics on rumor spread intention. We also found key components in personal acceptance of brand rumor. In contextualist perspective, we tried to unify the traditional psychological and sociological views. In this unified research approach we defined brand rumor's characteristics based on five major variables that had been found to influence the process of rumor spread intention. The five factors of usefulness, source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness, encompass multi level elements of brand rumor. We also selected product involvement as a control variable. To perform the empirical research, imaginary Korean 'Kimch' brand and related contamination rumor was created and proposed. Questionnaires were collected from 178 Korean samples. Data were collected from college students who have been experienced the focal product. College students were regarded as good subjects because they have a tendency to express their opinions in detail. PLS(partial least square) method was adopted to analyze the relations between variables in the equation model. The most widely adopted causal modeling method is LISREL. However it is poorly suited to deal with relatively small data samples and can yield not proper solutions in some cases. PLS has been developed to avoid some of these limitations and provide more reliable results. To test the reliability using SPSS 16 s/w, Cronbach alpha was examined and all the values were appropriate showing alpha values between .802 and .953. Subsequently, confirmatory factor analysis was conducted successfully. And structural equation modeling has been used to analyze the research model using smartPLS(ver. 2.0) s/w. Overall, R² of adoption of rumor is .476 and R² of intention of rumor transmission is .218. The overall model showed a satisfactory fit. The empirical results can be summarized as follows. According to the results, the variables of brand rumor characteristic such as source credibility, message credibility, worry, and vividness affect argument strength of rumor. And argument strength of rumor also affects rumor intention. On the other hand, the relationship between perceived usefulness and argument strength of rumor is not significant. The moderating effect of product involvement on the relations between argument strength of rumor and rumor W.O.M intention is not supported neither. Consequently this study suggests some managerial and academic implications. We consider some implications for corporate crisis management planning, PR and brand management. This results show marketers that rumor is a critical factor for managing strong brand assets. Also for researchers, brand rumor should become an important thesis of their interests to understand the relationship between consumer and brand. Recently many brand managers and marketers have focused on the short-term view. They just focused on strengthen the positive brand image. According to this study we suggested that effective brand management requires managing negative brand rumors with a long-term view of marketing decisions.

• Korean Journal of Agricultural Science
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.28-60
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• 1983

This study was carried out to define the effects of external factors including temperature, moisture, oxygen and light quality on the germination of sesame seeds and to investigate the change of major chemical constituents of seeds during germination. The results obtained are summarized as follows: 1. The average germination ratio was from 95.8% to 97.2% when it was tested every $5^{\circ}C$ intervals from $20^{\circ}C$ to $35^{\circ}C$ and no significant difference in germination ratio was found within $20^{\circ}C$ to $35^{\circ}C$. But the germination ratio dropped rapidly to 32.2% when seeds were germinated at $15^{\circ}C$ and the coefficient of variation become greater(77%) 2. The days required for germination ranged from 1.16 to 1. 64 at the temperatures of $35^{\circ}C$ to $25^{\circ}C$ and they were 3.07 and 10.4 at the temperatures of $20^{\circ}C$ and $15^{\circ}C$, respectively. 3. Considering the germination ratio and days needed, $15^{\circ}C$ was assumed to be the minimum temperature for germination practically and this temperature is recommended for testing low temperature tolerance of seed germination of sesame cultivars. 4. The varieties shown the highest low temperature tolerance were Shirogoma and Turkey. The next varieties shown some degree of low temperature germination were Suweon #29, Naebok and IS 58. The varieties with 70 to 80% of germination ratio were Maepo, Suweon #14, Kimpo, Moondeok, and Haenam. Among the 90 varieties tested, the varieties with comparatively high degree of low temperature tolerance were about 10%, and 70% of the low temperature tolerant varieties were domestic varieties. 5. At $12^{\circ}C$ the Shirogoma was the only variety which showed over 50% of germination ratio, 71.4% of the varieties showed less than 20% of germination ratio. When the temperature was raised to $27^{\circ}C$ 18 days after placement at $12^{\circ}C$ all the varieties showed over 90% of germination ratio within 2days. 6. The amounts of water imbibition needed for seed germination were 0.48 to 0.62 times of the seed dry weight at $25^{\circ}C$ and were significantly different among sesame cultivars. About 63% of water required for germination was imbibed in 2 hours after placement of seeds under the germination condition. 7. Under saturated moisture condition the average germination ratio was 0.42%. In the soil of which water potential was -0.4bar 64.8% of the seeds germinated and the most adequate soil water potential for sesame seed germination was about -0.4 to -5.5 bar. The germination ratio decreased as the soil water potential declined below -5.5 bar. 8. Six out of 10 varieties were not influenced by 5% of oxygen in air germination chamber, while varieties such as Yecheon, PI 158073, IS 103 and Euisangcheon showed 64 to 91% of germination under the 5% oxygen content. Under anaerobic condition, cotyledones were not emerged but only hypocotyl was emerged and elongated. The germination ratio of IS 103 decreased significantly under anaerobic condition. 9. When the seeds were dried for 24 hours after 12 hours imbibition of water, the seeds of Cheongsong did not lose their germination ability and 27.5% was germinated but Suweon #9 and Early Russian failed to germinate. However, the germination ratio of IS 103 decreased when the seed were dried 24 hours after 4 hours imbibition of water and the germination ability of IS 103 was maintained even though the seeds were dried for 24 hours after 24 hours imbibition of water. 10. During germination, sugar content of sesame seed increased rapidly and activity of ${\alpha}$-amylase increased gradually while starch content decreased significantly. The rates of increase in sugar content and enzyme activity and decrease in starch content were significantly lower at $15^{\circ}C$ compared with those at $25^{\circ}C$. 11. During germination of sesame seeds, lipid content in the seeds dropped rapidly and the activity of alkaline lipase increased significantly at early stage of germination. The rate of decrease in lipid content and increase in emzyme activity was lower at $15^{\circ}C$ than at $25^{\circ}C$. 12. Four out of 6 varieties were not affected in germination by light wave length. But Suweon #8 was inhibited in germination by 600-650nm. and IS 103 by 600 to 650nm and 500 to 550nm of light wave length. Suweon #8 showed high germination ratio under 650 to 760 nm and 500 to 560nm, and IS 103 under 400 to 470nm and complete darkness. 13. The germination ratios increased significantly in the seeds of which 1000 grain weight is heavier. When the seeds were placed at soil 4cm deep, Cheongsong and Early Russian failed to emerge their cotyledones, but Suweon #9 and IS 103 showed 32.5 and 50% cotyledone emergence, respectively. The extracts from sesame plant and soil where the sesame was cultivated previously did not affect in the-germination of sesame seeds. 14. The covering by black or transparent polyethylene films increased germination ratio compared with uncovered seeds. The covering was effective in shortening the days needed for germination and in improving the early seedling growth, number of capsules per plant and grain yield. Difference was not so seizable between the two polyethylene films but the transparent film appeared somewhat more effective than the black one. 15. Simcheon, Cheongsong. Suweon #9. PI 158073 and IS 103 showed lower rate of water absorbtion by seed during germination and Suweon #8, Suweon #26, Orotall and Euisangcheon showed high increase in seed weight after water absorbtion by seed.

• Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.19-48
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• 1974

Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.