• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.69 no.1
• /
• pp.103-123
• /
• 2017

This article examines the existing literature on the intersection of care and migration in Europe and the potential contributions of the Korean case. The paper reviews the three bodies of research: care, migration and their intersections. When defined as social reproductive labour, the concept of care not only captures individual/family level of experiences but it can also be an effective tool to analyse the diversity of the welfare state and the path of its evolution. Furthermore, in the context of globalisation and international migration, the concept of care can help overcome so-called 'the methodological nationalism' in the welfare state research. Accumulated evidence shows that only by applying a transnational perspective to the relationship between such social realities as class, gender and race, can we properly examine the dynamics of care distribution. Existing care-migration nexus research has found a widely observed trend of the 'migrantisation of care' in European welfare states; however, the actual modality of care-migration intersection varies reflecting historical and institutional contexts. This is why care-migration nexus research must go beyond the well-known welfare regime types. The Korean case can expand the geographical coverage and theoretical applicability of the intersection research by including a new welfare state regime type (productivist or developmental welfare states) and new patterns of migration (co-ethnic migration and marriage migration) which were rarely dealt with in this scholarship.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
• /
• v.42 no.1
• /
• pp.31-54
• /
• 2011

This study investigates the nature of the welfare state under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime focusing on participatory democracy in the policy decision making procedure for the National Health Insurance. Participatory democracy was introduced not for the qualitative development of Korean democracy but for securing political legitimacy to change the Korean economic structure after the IMF financial crisis. Although participatory democracy played the positive role in winning higher benefit level in National Health Insurance. an index for the development of the welfare state, in 2007 A policy of higher benefit level ended in failure because of the pursuit of the neoliberal ideology, lack of government's responsibility for public finance, and thwarting policy holders' substantial participation in the decision-making process. Like those of past welfare systems, participatory democracy under the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun regime was introduced for securing political legitimacy. But it was managed under restrictions imposed by pro-economic-growth ideology. Nevertheless, the Kim Dae Jung and Roh Moo Hyun governments are different from the former welfare states because of the fact that participatory democracy system is not 'service' system but 'political structure' and the fact that the grant of powers by participatory democracy played positive roles in the development of welfare state through request of higher benefit level policy.

• Journal of Korea Trade
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.53-67
• /
• 2020

Purpose - The purpose of this paper is to study strategic trade policies under international process research and development (R&D) competition with or without market leaders for free trade and a subsidy regime and compare the effects of R&D subsidies and export subsidies on the equilibrium levels of firm profit and social welfare. Design/methodology - For the analysis, we use previous work by Haaland and Kind (2008) and construct a differentiated goods duopoly model, wherein two firms compete via quantity in a third-country market for free trade and the subsidy regime. We consider simultaneous-move quantity competition when the two firms choose their quantities simultaneously and sequential-move quantity competition when they choose their quantities sequentially. The results are compared to those of Balboa, Daughety and Reinganum (2004), who studied export subsidies. Findings - The following are the findings. First, the results of firm preference orderings regarding firm position from Dowrick (1986) and Balboa, Daughety and Reinganum (2004) may not hold in our model when the firms' strategies are strategic substitutes under free trade. Second, the preference rankings under Cournot competition for free trade and a subsidy regime are the same as those in the strategic trade policy of export subsidy. Third, except for the cases of too close substitutes and complements, the results of firm and government preferences regarding firm position are different from those of Balboa, Daughety and Reinganum (2004) in that Stackelberg leadership in a subsidy regime is advantageous when the goods are substitutes but is disadvantageous when the goods are complements. Moreover, the equilibrium level of firm profit is the highest in the Cournot-Nash play when the goods are substitutes in a subsidy regime. Fourth, except for the cases of too close substitutes and complements, the results of firms' and their respective governments' trade regime preferences are similar to those of Balboa, Daughety and Reinganum (2004) in that a Stackelberg leader firm and government prefer free trade if the goods are substitutes and prefer a subsidy regime if the goods are complements. Furthermore, a Stackelberg follower firm and government strongly prefer a subsidy regime to free trade. Originality/value - By analyzing the effects of R&D subsidies and export subsidies in international markets, we can find similarities and differences between them in international markets.

• Journal of health informatics and statistics
• /
• v.43 no.4
• /
• pp.274-281
• /
• 2018

Objectives: The purpose of this study is to comprehensively compare the trends of health administration and health policy in the field of health care using the semantic network analysis in the inaugural address of the Ministry of Health and Welfare of each regime in Korea. Methods: This study used a language network analysis method that uses Korean Key Words In Context (KrKwic) program and NetMiner program in sequence. The analysis was conducted by Minister Hwa-joong Kim during the Moo-hyun Roh government, Minister Jae-hee Jeon during the Myung-bak Lee government, Minister Young Jin of Geun-hye Park government and Government Jae-in Moon's inaugural address of Neung-Hoo Park Minister, respectively. Results: The key words differentiated by each regime are that the Moo-hyun Roh Government's Minister Hwa-joong Kim had high connection centrality values in the words 'balanced development', 'comprehensive' and 'reform'. Minister Jae-Hee Jeon of Myung-bak Lee Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'poverty' and 'return'. In the case of Minister Young Jin of Geun-hye Park Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'demand', 'Customized' and 'Life cycle'. In the case of Minister Neung-Hoo Park of Jae In Moon Government had high connection centrality values in the words 'Welfare state', 'Embracing' and 'Soundness'. Conclusions: If the role of health administration in the health care field and the health care policies are constantly changed according to the policies of each regime, it is inconsistent and it is difficult to approach from the long term perspective for public health promotion. In the future, health policy should be developed and implemented with a long-term perspective and consistency based on the consensus and participation of the people with less influence on the change and direction of each government's policies.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.24 no.2
• /
• pp.181-215
• /
• 2017

The study found that the origins of modern Korean welfare regime are closely related to the political and economic order of the U.S. military rule between 1945 and 1948. The creation of developmental state in 1960s and 1970s can not be imagined from the standpoint of the U.S. military rule. The U.S. military government dismantled the labor movement and the farmers' movement, and dealt a devastating blow to leftist political forces. Through this process, the U.S. military government turned the political landscape of the Republic of Korea, which was dominated by left-wing political forces in August 1945, completely transformed into the political landscape dominated by right-wing political forces. Moreover, it would not have been possible without the physical force of the US military government to transplant American capitalism instead of the social (democratic) state that the majority of the Korean people wanted. Through farmland reform, the traditional landowning classes were broken down, the revolutionary farmers turned into conservative peasants, and the distribution of factories owned by the Japanese led to the birth of a new capitalist class that was subordinated to the state. From the viewpoint of the welfare regime, the most significant meaning of the US military government is that it laid the foundations for the developmental state in the 1960s and 1970s in Korea.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.65 no.3
• /
• pp.265-289
• /
• 2013

The purpose of this study is to analyse the reality and dynamics of transition of work-family reconciliation policy and gender regime in Germany to focus on recent introduction of parents benefit by applying meta path analysis. There is made of 'layering' in work-family reconciliation policy area. Because political barrier has alleviated they can introduce parents benefit, but cannot help stick to child care benefit because of internal barrier. But because parents benefit has activated by 'differential growth', German gender regime has suffered core transition of complementation that dominant structure has changed from 'sequential reconciliation' to 'concomitant reconciliation'. On the other hand, by 'purposeful decoupling' of gender area, core activists have attempted to cut the possibility of weakening of coordination relationship on main institutional areas of German model.

• 사회경제평론
• /
• v.31 no.3
• /
• pp.203-237
• /
• 2018

This paper critically studies Meidner's wage-earner funds project. On the basis of this, this paper intends to create new prospects for a universal welfare regime. From the perspective of the welfare system, the funds project is a correction or supplement of the Swedish welfare system of the Swedish model centered on 'redistribution'. However, the funds project shares the ideology of Swedish model and its fundamental premise, I.e. guild socialism and labor-centrism. This paper discusses the limitations of the funds project resulting from this, especially with regard to its three purposes: equalization of property distribution, economic democracy and the correction of excess profit. It then highlights that the alternative to overcome the limitations of the funds project and the Swedish universal welfare system should be based on a new ideology and fundamental premise that is cut off from guild socialism and labor centrism. As an alternative fulfilling this, this paper focuses on theories that suggest that the Common Wealth Fund should be created and basic income should be implemented in the form of dividends as its dividend. As a result, Commons Capital Stock and the basic income as its dividend are presented as alternative prospects for the funds project.

• 한국사회정책
• /
• v.24 no.4
• /
• pp.3-29
• /
• 2017

The study checked whether the trade-off relationship between the home ownerhip and welfare by Kemeny and Castles was still valid in four welfare regimes, and analysed the factors of change and stability on rate of home ownership between social democratic states and southern european states. Based on the results of the study, the relationship between housing ownership and public expenditure was confirmed only in the liberal welfare regime and in the conservative welfare regime, as evidenced by the 2014 data collection. Second, social democratic states have dramatically increased housing mortgage loans and showed signs of housing commodification but southern european states have showed pre commodification of housing, maintained comparatively whole home ownership and low mortgage loans. Third, social democratic states has resulted in a rise in housing demand and housing prices, through reduced new housing and social rented housing construction, home owenership friendly taxation and generous lending policies, but southern european states have maintained a stable housing demand and housing prices thanks to the rich housing stocks, extended family, self provision and self promotion by close relatives, and intergenerational inheritance and transfers of housing. Although sequence of the equity ownership and welfare are still unclear, it is not a rational alternatives to induce housing ownership through large mortgage loans.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
• /
• v.62 no.2
• /
• pp.87-107
• /
• 2010

This paper purports to compare the differences and similarities of social exclusions in Korea with those in the European countries, notably Germany, France, Sweden, Finland, Ireland and U.K. For this purpose, chapter two examines political and social origins of social exclusion as an alternative concept to poverty or unemployment. Chapter three discusses social exclusion paradigms of Silver(1994) in reference to welfare regime theories of Esping-Andersen(1990). Subsequently chapter four, using two artificial social exclusion indicators by principal component analysis, defines the basic nature of social exclusion of Korea in comparison with those of the six European countries. Chapter five duly concludes that social exclusions in Korea are very similar to those of liberal countries (Ireland and U.K.) in that income indicators (poverty and inequality) of Korea are much worse, whereas unemployment rate is relatively low.

• 한국노년학
• /
• v.29 no.2
• /
• pp.563-578
• /
• 2009

Public pension system of western welfare states has been maintained by transfers of public resources between working-age population and old-age population. But population aging cause the problem of fiscal burden on pension financing, so cutback on public spending for the elderly has been on the issue at public agenda. The argument on public spending for the elderly is more aggressively proceeded in the United States than any other welfare states. The argument is concerned with the problems of generation and is going under the rhetoric name of 'Generational Equity' which contends unequal distribution of social resources such as federal budget within generations. This article analyzes the background of 'Generational Equity' perspective and the reason why that argument is actively going forward in the U. S. and political-economy context of that argument. Generational Equity perspective contends that the elderly are getting more benefits and high spending on the elderly has contributing to the rising poverty rate of children. But there are lots of objection to this perspective on the ground that the perspective has weak positive evidences. The reason that 'Generational Equity' perspective has the power only in the U. S. but other welfare states is mainly due to that pluralistic political regime and selective welfare system. This research presents that political-economy meaning of 'Generational Equity' perspective is related to the political regime and welfare system of the society itself. And this research has the implication that our society having a selective welfare system would take a risk of encountering 'Generational Equity' social debate in the near future.