• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.71-96
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• 2011

This study explores the characteristics of the delivery system of the New Deal, with a particular attention to the partnerships and welfare governance. The study analyzes the partnerships of the New Deal policy in Britain, which consist of two dimensions of partnerships. The results are: First, the method of the transformation of delivery in central government dimension is the unity of the governmental organizations, Another outcome of reform in the central government dimension is the establishment of the Jobcentre Plus. Second, the characteristic of delivery system in public-private dimension is the contract through competition, which means the introduction of market paradigm. Especially, the reform of the delivery system in the local dimension is to deliver integrated services through the introduction of labour market paradigm in demand-side. The central government also supports the reform in the local level. This study also explores the forms of welfare governance in these dimensions, This study suggests the importance of united services in the Korean welfare to work.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.50
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• pp.87-108
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• 2002

According to Neo-liberalism, the privatization of social security systems is pivotal for a country's economic growth and the wellbeing of its people, because such systems hinder the full operation of the market, eventually leading the national economy to collapse. The Chilean case of pension privatization is often cited as a good evidence for the Neo-liberal argument. Neo-liberalists say that Chile has experienced a rapid economic growth and retirees have enjoyed a much more pension payment since the national pension system was successfully privatized in 1981. The primary purpose of this article is to provide a critical review on the results of the Chilean pension privatization reform implemented in 1981. This study is intended to give an objective understanding of the reform because the existing evaluations, particularly those from the neo-liberalism, over-emphasize the bright sides of the reform. for this purpose, this article will pay a particular attention to the change in the level of pension payment after the reform. The conclusion of this study is that, contrary to the argument of Neo-liberalism, the pension reform has lowered the level of pension payment and, compared to the old public pension, has made the lives of ordinary retirees less secure. Reorganization of the social security system is more desirable than privatization as a remedy for the current problems of the welfare state.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.46
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• pp.178-209
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• 2001

This paper aims to provide a critical assesment of Conservatives's and new Labour's social assistance reforms in the U.K. and their differential impacts on low income groups. During the period of 18 years in power, the Conservative governments enforced benefit recipients being capable of work to be out of benefits and to get into work. They employed not only 'carrots' to encourage beneficiaries being capable of work to have full-time work, but also 'sticks' to discourage them to depend on benefits. The reforms under the Conservative governments were closer to the workfare model. The new Labour government has continued to emphasize work regarding social security reform. It has raised 'from welfare to work' as the main reform objective. However, it has not necessarily focused on 'carrots and sticks' in order to get beneficiaries into work. Instead, the new Labour government has put its priority regarding social assistance reform on human capital development in order to develop the capability of beneficiaries for work. Britain under the new Labour government seems to be moving from workfare to activation model. These differentials between the Conservative governments and the new Labour government regarding social assistance reforms bring about the different policy outcomes. Under the Conservative government, social assistance programmes were prone to strengthen the state's control over benefit recipients and to increase stigma to them. Punitive, demeaning, stigmatising programmes of work and unending job search activities harm the bases of self-respect. On the contrary, the activation programmes under the new Labour government has contributed positively to both socially significant participation and autonomy of beneficiaries.

• Health Policy and Management
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• v.14 no.1
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• pp.44-64
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• 2004

As of 1 July 2000 a big reform was introduced into the Korean health care system: the separation between prescribing and dispensing of drugs (SPD reform). There was, however, a big financial stake associated with pharmaceuticals, particularly before the reform, because physicians as well as pharmacists were allowed to purchase drugs at much lower costs than the insurance reimbursement. In this respect, this study focuses on the change in income and profit of both doctor's clinics and pharmacies after the reform. Data from National Health and Nutritional Survey by the ministry of health and welfare were used to estimate the income or expenditure that are financed by out-of-pocket payment of the patients, while national health insurance data etc. were used for the estimation of the income or expenditure that is financed by insurers. Average annual income per doctor's clinic increased from 299 million won to 338 million won for the three years between 1998 and 2001, whereas average annual income per pharmacy increased enormously from 60 million won to 305 million won for the same period. Average annual 'profit' increase per each doctor's clinic caused by the reform itself was estimated to range from 50 to 83 million won, while that per each pharmacy, from 23 to 87 million won. In sum, while both doctor's clinics and pharmacies are beneficiaries of the SPD reform, its positive impact is particularly prominent on the latter.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.56 no.1
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• pp.45-70
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• 2004

This study purports to explain the difference between the welfare reform of Britain and that of either European countries or USA. For this purpose, Chapter two documents and reviews the inter-party debates around the Clause Four in the Labour Constitution, and duly ascertains the role of the reciprocity principle in the development of New Labour Project. Then, Chapter three argues that this reciprocity principle guides and controls the whole process of workfare reform of the Labour Government since 1997. Finally, Chapter four concludes that the salient features of the British workfare reform originated from recent changes of the British political climates, that is, the ideological change of the Labour Party.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• no.39
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• pp.365-393
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• 2008

This research examnied the roles, the strategies and the influence of labor unions on the pension reform. In Italia labor unions were important actors in pension reform politics during 1990s, but in 2004 labor union was excluded from the pension reform. This difference is not only related with diffusion of the leftist party but also the experience of pension benefit retrenchment of the pension reform in 1995 in which labor unions had initiatives. Labor unions choose their strategies, social dialogue or mass struggle, depending on the attitudes of government. After change of government following the failure of the pension reform in 1994 Italian government tried social dialogue. In Dini reform in 1995, laborunions had initiative in making pension reform plan. Labor unions obtained member's approval using membership vote. It had repressed opposition from militant sectors effectively. However Labor unions concentrated on the issues of transition measures and protecting vested rights in seniority pension ignoring problems of contribution evasion of small-firm workers and benefit adequacy of young workers. Even when labor unions leaded social concertation processes and pursued union democracy, labor unions' influences on the pension reform had fundamental limitations.

• Journal of The Korea Institute of Healthcare Architecture
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• v.19 no.2
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• pp.41-49
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• 2013

Purpose: Economic and social pressures are driving Korea to reform its mental health services. However, it is not easy for the governments to find to the proper method for the mental health service network. This study is to find the mental health service network in Japan. Methods: The survey was conducted by researches and field studies. 1) Researches for mental health service network and facilities. 2) Field study is for Mental Health and Welfare Network in Tokyo. Results: The result of this study can be summarized into three points. The first one, Reform measures are beginning to promote the concept of "normalization" in japanese society. The second one, Facilities of Mental health and welfare system designed by level that can be providing places for people with mental problems. The third one, Facilities consist of barrier-free environment for people with mental problems.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.13 no.6
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• pp.341-350
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• 2015

This study aims to understand main contents of the National Mental Health Strategy and changes after mental health reform through the National Mental Health Strategy in Australia, and to find some convergence policy implications on mental health policy in South Korea. The direction of reform has changed considerably over the 20 years that the National Mental Health Strategy has been in place including the National Mental Health Policy(1992, 2008), the National Mental Health Plan(1993~2014), COAG National Action Plan on Mental Health(2006~2011), the Roadmap for National Mental Health Reform 2012-2022. The National Mental Health Strategy has advocated fundamental change in the national spending on mental health, mental health service provision, the expansion of community-based mental health services and care system, NGO, consumer and carer participation in mental health care.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.49
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• pp.95-128
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• 2002

The present study is designed to trace the successful reform steps taken within the vocational training system in the UK and to extract a set of instructive implications for Korea's future reform path towards an efficient vocational training system conducive to youth employment. To this end, this study focuses on three major aspects of the youth vocational training system: the government's role and partnerships between training and industry, the vocational training system, and the employment support system. Implications drawn from the comparative analysis are as follows. Vocational training reform should be made within the broad paradigm of youth employment promotion. All aspects of the youth vocational training system, such as the training program structure, program content, provider, management, so on, should be reformed, step by step, within a long-term plan. In addition to the vocational training reforms. employment support programs should be enlarged, and the service delivery system should be well structured in order to enhance the effects of the training reforms. For these reforms, it is essential to make fundamental changes in the following areas: integration of youth employment policy making and its administrative structures, reinforcement of partnerships between training and industry, nation-wide standardization of job skins, and the introduction of standardized job certificate classification on a national level.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare
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• v.61 no.2
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• pp.61-84
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• 2009

There has been a continuous debate on decentralization of welfare. The proponents of decentralization argue that it will enhance the autonomy of local governments and the efficiency in the provision of service. However, the opponents argue that it will lead to the welfare reduction and the increased inequality among localities. This study attempts to deal with the question, focusing on the evaluation of decentralization reform of Roh Government. The main results are as follows: After the decentralization, local governments has undergone hardships in financing the welfare service, while there is no clear evidence that the local autonomy has enhanced. In respect of fiscal role-sharing, local duties has significantly increased because of the insufficient grants-in-aid for decentralization and inappropriate formula in assessing the grants. In respect of functional role-sharing, the decreased role of central government made it difficult for local governments to provide enough residential institution for the elderly and the disabled. To improve the decentralization reform, deliberate reclassification is needed to decide which item should be transferred to localities. Regarding the characteristic of the projects, social services could be transferred in the long run, while central government should take more responsibilities for the income guarantee and protection for the disadvantaged.