• 분석과 대안
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• 제6권2호
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• pp.5-36
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• 2022

러시아-우크라이나 전쟁은 미국과 러시아, 러시아와 우크라이나, 우크라이나 정부군과 반군 간 '3층위 복합전'이다. 첫째, 동 전쟁은 자유주의국제질서를 유지·강화하려는 서구 세력권과 새로운 대안질서를 추구하는 중러 세력권이 지정학적 단층대인 우크라이나에서 충돌함으로써 발생한 현상이다. 둘째, 이번 전쟁은 나토의 지속적 확장과 러시아의 대응이라는 '연쇄 반응'(chain reaction) 게임에 의한 전형적인 '안보 딜레마' 현상의 결과이다. 셋째, 러-우 전쟁은 우크라이나의 돈바스에 대한 군사적 수복을 저지하기 위한 러시아의 군사력 투사로 인해 발생했다. 그동안 미국을 위시한 서구 세계는 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁 이후 예상 밖의 결속력을 보여주었다. 그러나 중국을 비롯한 비서구 세계가 러시아에 대한 규탄과 제재에 동참하지 않고 있어 눈길을 끈다. 이번 전쟁은 냉전 종식 이후 형성되어 작동하고 있는 현 국제질서의 존립과 변화 유무의 중요한 분기점이 될 것이다. 전쟁의 전개 양상과 종결 방식에 따라 현 국제질서의 유지·복원, 수정·변경, 종식·전환의 방향이 결정될 가능성이 크며, 대체로 그동안의 전황을 고려해볼 때 두 번째 방향으로 나아갈 가능성이 크다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.59-64
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• 2023

The ongoing war between Russia and Ukraine increases concerns around the world. Russian President Vladimir Putin attacked Ukraine, with a clear aim to protect ethnic Russians from Ukraine, and further to keep Ukraine from joining NATO. However, as the war takes longer than expected, Russia is getting more isolated from the world. Given this, we analyzed editorials from the New York Times by paying attention to the newspaper's viewpoint or ideological stance to the war, under van Dijk (1998)'s ideological square within the framework of critical discourse analysis. The analysis results are as follows: first, Ukraine, the United States and the Europe were designated as the ingroup, whereas Putin was as its outgroup; second, the editorials used negative words for their outgroup presentation, highlighting the outgroup's bad properties, while the positive words for their ingroup presentations were rarely used, indicating that the editorials reinforce outgroup exclusion only; third, it was only Russian President Vladimir Putin who was in their outgroup, while Russians were depicted as scapegoats to satisfy the pleasures of the maniacal Putin. Thus, it can be concluded that with the strategy of negative exclusion, the editorials clearly show their negative ideology towards the war by using negative words for the outgroup almost six times as often as positive words for the ingroup.

• International Journal of Internet, Broadcasting and Communication
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• 제15권1호
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• pp.171-176
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• 2023

What we have in common worldwide today is economic difficulties due to high inflation and uncertainty in the financial industry. The root cause of this is the war between Russia and Ukraine. The war between Russia and Ukraine is not simply a war between two countries. The United States and the European Union are providing military aid such as missiles to Ukraine, and Russia is attacking Ukraine by introducing UAVs (unmanned aerial vehicles) from Iran. A prominent weapon in this Russia-Ukraine war is the UAVs used in Russia. It is predicted that the form of war using UAVs will gradually expand in the future based on stealth. In addition, UAVs will continue to be used due to the fact that they can cause serious damage to the other country without harming their own lives, and because they have good cost-effectiveness. In this study, UAVs based on autonomous driving were studied. The target countries of the study include the United States, the European Union, China, and Iran, and the UAVs used in these countries have characteristics that can represent the world. In this study, the main specifications of major UAVs in use in major countries were investigated. In addition, the future technology and development direction were described through specifications and characteristics of UAVs currently in operation in major countries.

• 로봇학회논문지
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• 제18권3호
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• pp.308-315
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• 2023

Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022. Many military experts predicted that Russia could defeat Ukraine within a week, but the Ukraine-Russia War has not been going as expected. Indeed, Ukraine military has been defending well and seems to fight more efficiently than Russian military. There are many reasons for this unexpected situation and one apparent thing is due to artificial intelligence (AI) technologies. This study focused on AI-enabled combats that the Armed Forces of Ukraine has carried out around Siverskyi Donets River, the Crimean Peninsula, and suburbs of Kyiv. For more systematic analysis, the revolution in military affairs (RMA) theory was applied. There are four significant implications inferred by studying current Ukraine-Russia War. First, AI technologies are effective even in the current status and seems to be more influential. Second, hyper-connected network by satellite communications must be needed to enhance the AI weapon effects. Third, military AI technologies should be based on the civil-military cooperation to keep up with pace of technological innovation. Fourth, AI ethics in military should be seriously considered and established in the use of AI technologies. We expect that this study could help ROK Armed Forces to be modernized in the revolutionary fashion, especially for manned and unmanned teaming (MUM-T) system.

• 한국인터넷방송통신학회논문지
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• 제22권3호
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• pp.25-30
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• 2022

본 연구는 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁(2022)의 특징인 유튜브 등 SNS 추천알고리즘 필터버블 강화현상과 하이브리드 전쟁의 승패 요인에 관한 연구이다. 이 전쟁은 하이브리드전으로 규명되며, SNS 추천알고리즘 기반 뉴미디어의 활용은 정치적 레버리지를 넘어서 전쟁의 승부를 결정짓는 요소로 부상하고 있다. 이로 인해, 필터버블 현상이 시청자들에게 노출되는 정보의 제한을 가져온다는 확증편향의 사전적 의미를 넘어서고 있다. 우크라이나 젤렌스키 대통령이 키예프에서 항전을 독려한 유튜브 동영상의 경우 702만의 조회 수를 기록했지만, 푸틴의 연설은 80만에 그친 것은 추천알고리즘이 푸틴의 연설을 노출하지 않았다는 방증이다. 이러한 SNS 추천알고리즘의 노출 전쟁은 미국(유튜브, 트위터, 페이스북)과 중국(틱톡) 빅테크 기업의 알고리즘 전쟁으로 발전되는 경향을 보인다. 미국기업의 영향으로 우크라이나는 국제적인 지원을 받을 수 있게 되었고, 러시아는 중국기업의 영향으로 푸틴의 지지율이 80 프로가 넘는 상반된 결과가 도출되고 있다. 이러한 알고리즘 권력화는 '필터버블'에 의해 여론의 확증편향에 기반을 두고 있기에 이 왜곡 현상에 대한 새로운 가이드라인 설정을 이른 시일 안에 제시해야 한다는 정당성이 이번 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁을 통해서 주목받고 있다.

• 우주기술과 응용
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• 제2권2호
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• pp.169-186
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• 2022

본 글에서는 러시아의 우주위협 평가와 러시아-우크라이나 전쟁(러시아의 우크라이나 침공)의 우주전을 분석하고 양상에 대해 정리하였다. 우주전의 양상이 상용위성 또한 잠재적인 공격 대상이 될 개연성을 고려하여 우주기술 개발시 군용위성뿐만 아니라, 상용위성도 우주위협에 대비할 수 있는 우주기술을 개발하고 동일하게 적용해야 함을 제언하고 적용이 필요한 우주기술에 대해 열거하였다.

• 한국멀티미디어학회논문지
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• 제25권11호
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• pp.1613-1620
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• 2022

Through previous studies, it was found that news from legacy media, including television, has an agenda-setting effect and priming effect on the perceptions and attitudes of audiences about politics and war, and that film media also has an agenda-setting effect and political priming effect on war issues. However, it is difficult to find studies on the effects of war-related TV documentaries on media audiences. Therefore, in this study, An experimental study was conducted to investigate whether there is a change in 'recognition of the importance of security', 'will for South-North Unification' and 'will to participate in war in case of emergency' for the audience who watched the KBS special <100 Days of Invasion of Ukraine, Part 1 into the Fire>. As a result of the analysis, it was found that watching a war-related TV documentary reinforced the audience's 'recognition of the importance of security' and 'will for South-North Unification'. However, it was confirmed that watching a war-related TV documentary did not strengthen the audience's will to participate in war in case of emergency.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제7권3호
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• pp.1-26
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• 2023

This article will analyze and forecast important variables and dynamics in global power politics after the war in Ukraine. It tries to use several perspectives to analyze international relations, particularly liberal internationalism and structural realism. In short, core variables are as follows; First, how is the US-led liberal international order and globalization being adjusted? Second, how will the U.S.-China strategic competition, which is the biggest and structural variable, cause changes in the international order in the future? The third variable, how stable are Sino-Russia relations in the context of a structuring U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle? Fourth, to what extent will third middle hedging states outside the U.S. and China be able to exercise strategic autonomy in the face of multipolarization? To summarize, the first of these four variables is the largest basic variable at the global political and economic level in terms of its impact on the international community, and it has been led by the United States. The second variable, in terms of actors, seems to be the most influential structural variable in global competition, and the US-China strategic competition is likely to be a long game. Thus the world will not be able to escape the influence of the competition between the two global powers. For South Korea, this second variable is probably the biggest external variable and dilemma. The third variable, the stability of Sino-Russia relations, determines balance of global power in the 21st century. The U.S.-China-Russia strategic new triangle, as seen in the current war in Ukraine, will operate as the greatest power variable in not only global power competition but also changes in the international order. Just as the U.S. is eager for a Sino-Russia fragmentation strategy, such as a Tito-style wedge policy to manage balance of power in the early years of the Cold War, it needs a reverse Kissinger strategy to reset the U.S.-Russia relationship, in order to push for a Sino-Russia splitting in the 21st century. But with the war in Ukraine, it seems that this fragmentation strategy has already been broken. In the context of Northeast Asia, whether or not the stability of Sino-Russia relations depends not only on the United States, but also on the Korean Peninsula. Finally, the fourth variable is a dependent variable that emerged as a result of the interaction of the above three variables, but simultaneously it remains to be seen that this variable is likely to act as the most dynamic and independent variable that can promote multilateralism, multipolarization, and pan-regionalism of the global international community in the future. Taking into account these four variables together, we can make an outlook on the change in the international order.

• 분석과 대안
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• 제8권2호
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• pp.65-86
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• 2024

본 연구는 우크라이나 공간을 둘러싼 유럽열강 간 오랜 지정학적 충돌을 역사적 관점에서 분석하고자 한다. 이를 통해 근대 유럽사 속에서 드러나는 우크라이나 공간의 지정학적 중요성과 이를 두고 벌어진 근대 유럽열강 간 패권분쟁을 부각시키고자 한다. 19세기 이래, 영미(英美)와 독일은 이와 관련하여 각각 상이한 대(對) 유라시아 지정학 관점과 전략을 발전시켰다. 따라서 양측이 일으킨 크림전쟁과 독소전쟁은 이들의 지정학적 전략과 이익실현의 관점에서 분석될 필요가 있다. 먼저 대영제국의 경우 크림전쟁개입을 통해 제정 러시아에 의한 우크라이나 공간의 완전한 장악을 저지하였다. 이를 통해 대영제국은 제정 러시아의 흑해 및 지중해 남하와 중부유럽진출을 위한 교두보 확보를 봉쇄하였다. 다음으로 중부유럽을 중심으로 아시아 대륙세력과 영미해양세력의 침투를 저지하는 배타적 공간질서를 건설해야한다는 지정학 전략을 수용한 독일 제3제국은, 중동부유럽의 레벤스라움(Lebensraum) 확보와 확장을 위해 독소전쟁을 일으켰다. 이를 통해 독일 제3제국은 우크라이나 공간을 넘어 카프카스 지역진출을 시도하고 소련과의 완충지대를 확장시키고자 하였다. 양(兩) 전쟁에 대한 지정학적 분석을 바탕으로 3가지 결론을 도출 할 수 있다. 첫째, 우크라이나 공간을 둔 지정학적 분쟁은 키예프 공국 패망 이래 해당공간을 토대로 한 강력한 국가의 부재에 기인한 측면이 크다. 둘째, 우크라이나 공간을 둘러싼 지정학적 분쟁은 분쟁당사자 모두에게 득보다 실이 큰 피로스의 승리와 같다. 셋째, 우크라이나 공간을 둘러싼 지정학적 분쟁의 근본원인은 상호공존과 균형을 경시하는 배타적 지정학관 간 충돌이다.

• International Journal of Advanced Culture Technology
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• 제11권3호
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• pp.89-93
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• 2023

This study is a case study of the Ukrainian military's asymmetric combat performance method. The composition of this study is as follows. First, it presented the background for the outbreak of war in the macroscopic framework of Russia-Ukraine. Second, the Ukraine-Russia war, which broke out in February 2022, presented the justification for the study, that is, the direction of the Ukrainian military's asymmetric combat performance in terms of microscopic aspects of the study, and detailed analysis of precision strikes using commercial drones and advanced sensors. Finally, we covered in-depth the case of Ukrainian troops who attempted to attack Russian tanks using semi-automatic laser homing technology. Therefore, the Korean military organization also suggested the justification for gradually introducing and utilizing the system for the Ukrainian military's asymmetric combat performance method, and related follow-up studies should be actively conducted following this study.