• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2021

Through an empirical comparative analysis, we found that people in mainland China and Taiwan demonstrate strong similarities in their support for democracy, based on democratic suitability, efficiency, preference, and priority. There are also differences in beliefs about democratic values. Compared to people in mainland China, the Taiwanese have a deeper and more widely shared belief in the principles of participation and pluralism, while the differences between their beliefs in the principles of equality, freedom, and checks and balances are narrow. Furthermore, people in mainland China and Taiwan have a strong similarity in their understanding of democracy, that is, they all present a mixed democratic understanding based on substantive bias. Overall, although the differences between mainland China and Taiwan's democratic practices are reflected in the level of value identification from the perspective of democratic support and democratic understanding, the popular democratic political culture in mainland China and Taiwan still has a relatively broad consensus. Thus, the integration and development of cross-strait relations not only has an increasingly profound social and economic foundation but also considerable consensus and mass support on the political and cultural level.

• Journal of the Korean BIBLIA Society for library and Information Science
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• v.34 no.2
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• pp.137-158
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• 2023

In the modern digitized data society, there is a growing emphasis on securing trustworthiness and fairness in data utilization, along with data openness. By defining the concept of data democracy from various perspectives and presenting elements of normative values, this study aims to provide a basic conceptual framework to identify and evaluate the data governance system and levels of data democracy. As a foundation for the discussion of data democracy, based on Kneuer's (2016) conceptualization of e-democracy, free and equitable access, e-participation, and e-government were introduced as core dimensions of e-democracy. To improve the quality of data governance and foster a better understanding and practical application of the concept of data democracy, this study takes a normative approach from the perspective of democracy. Inclusiveness, equity, participation, and democratic sovereignty are provided as core dimensions of data democracy. This study highlights the significance of data literacy in promoting data democracy. It proposes the creation and assessment of a curriculum rooted in the normative principles of data democracy within the field of library and information science for future investigation.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.3-16
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• 2017

This paper aims to emphasize the necessity of beginning and developing judicial politics in Korea. Law is constitutive of politics, and judicial politics is vital in understanding how politics is influenced by law. Disappointingly, social science in Korea has not recognized the importance of judicial politics. Judicial branch in Korea does not have the capacity to constrain the executive or other government agencies governed by elected officials. The rule of law does not work. Judicial politics has not yet been introduced in Korea, despite its enormous importance in shaping political economy. The rule of law and courts are believed to be the institutional foundation for economic growth. Law embodied in "no one is above the law" is recognized to provide fairness and stability with a democracy. Little attention to judicial politics results in leaving behind a missing link in a polity. The fortification of the rule of law is necessary to make democracy consolidated in Korea, as shown in impeachment of former president Park Geunhae. A new scholarship in Korea on judicial politics is in need to discuss what conditions under which the rule of law is possible and how to make it sustainable.

• The Southeast Asian review
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.77-114
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• 2018

The purpose of this article is to verify whether recent political change in Thailand and the Philippines is temporarily shown "democratic recession" or "returning to authoritarianism". For the purpose this research establishes three propositions based on previous academic researches of political change. The is to verify characteristics of liberal democracy based on democratic procedures and institutions as well as civilian control over the military. The is to analyze the characteristics of authoritarianism such as the control over individual freedom and rights, concentration of power, and populist ruling behavior contrary to constitutionalism. The last one, , is to check either the coincidence or discrepancy between democratic institutions and popular understanding of democracy during democratic transitions. The finding through testing those propositions is that recent political change in two countries is more likely "returing to authoritarianism" rather than provisional "democratic recession". Implications of the finding has two aspects. One is that the only change in democratic procedures and institutions including the competition among political parties and peaceful change of governments are not enough to ensure a successful transition to liberal democracy. The other is that a half-democracy lacking the change of popular understanding and belief toward democracy as well as democratic practices cannot survive long enough. These are confirmed through this study on the cases of Thailand and the Philippines.

• Journal of Koreanology Reviews
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• v.1 no.1
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• pp.1-23
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• 2022

HunMinJeongEum, meaning "the right sound to teach the people," was created in 1443 CE by King Sejong the Great, the fourth king of the Joseon Dynasty. In today's modern language, this letter, called Hangeul, is internationally recognized for its linguistic science. However, it is hard to find a comprehensive study on the fact that King Sejong himself created Hangeul, the Confucian perspective on natural disasters and democracy revealed in the process of writing, the independent efforts emphasized from a certain period, and the achievements of King Sejong, who shared the sorrow of the people and carried out national policies despite the extreme opposition of the nobility. Accordingly, I analyzed the consonants of HunMinJeongEum and looked at the essence of humanity and oriental philosophy (Yin-Yang Five Elements, Sangsu Philosophy, Hado). Surprisingly, different meanings from previous studies and interpretations were found, and King Sejong's "Da Vinci Code," which was left behind in the process of making the consonant, is reinterpreted and revealed. King Sejong's achievements were all connected as one. This is the root of democracy in the Republic of Korea today, and this is why King Sejong was selected as the most beloved and respected historical figure by the Korean people. This study will start with more people's understanding of the fundamental perception and philosophy of the world in Asia, including Korea, to reinterpret and reveal the hardships and great achievements experienced by a leader of a country in the process of creating korean alphabet, and to emphasize democracy, which is an important value for Asians and Westerners' mutual respect and co-prosperity.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.293-299
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• 2021

This study is caused by the urgent need to constantly fight against such a shameful phenomenon of society as corruption, the flourishing of which cannot be overlooked. This phenomenon has many negative manifestations and consequences, undermines the national security of the state, slows down the development of democracy, worsens the state of all spheres of life (economic, political, administrative, etc.), worsens relations with foreign partners, forms tolerance for corruption in the public consciousness. Today, the process of fighting corruption is extremely important for our country, because it depends on the independence, democracy, sustainability of Ukraine. However, there is a complex and ambiguous situation regarding this process, as there is a clear coordination of state policy in the fight against corruption, insufficient and narrow understanding of ways to combat it. There is a lack of efforts by the authorities to overcome corruption challenges and use ineffective means of combating them. Instead, corruption causes great material and moral damage to states as a whole and many of its citizens.

• Acta Via Serica
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.121-152
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• 2020

The article is a critical examination of the political developments in Armenia since the 'Velvet Revolution' of April-May 2018, when, on the wave of massive protests against the ruling regime, new young forces came to power raising amongst broad segments of population enormous enthusiasm and hopes about radical reforms that would lead to profound transformations in the political and socio-economic spheres. It contains a thorough analysis of underlying political processes in the country in an attempt to answer a number of topical questions, so important to get a deeper understanding of the situation in Armenia and in the South Caucasus region. Based on the analysis of the new authorities' performance against the acknowledged benchmarks and standards of democracy consolidation, such as: separation of powers, independence of the judiciary, good governance, transitional justice the author comes to the conclusion that they failed to achieve any breakthrough in the above-mentioned fields. On the contrary, as demonstrated by concrete examples, what occurred in Armenia was not a revolution but a mere regime change under the leadership of Prime Minister Pashinyan, who gradually has concentrated in his hands executive, legislative, and quasi-totality of the judicial branch of power.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.19
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• pp.295-327
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• 2002

Deliberative democracy places its great importance on the theory that the citizens should fill the role of conducting the principles of democratic society. This is divided into two main theoretical trends in modern political theories, a liberal theory advocated by J. Rawls and a critical one emphasized by J. Habermas. Mutual understanding between two scholars focuses on the responsibility of citizens; citizens should be the reflective persons who can accept the terms of just communication going beyond the preference of individual belief. It is not denied that the discussions of deliberative democracy guided by both Rawls and Habermas do not place emphasis upon mass media. Even though they seldom regard the argument how the current media can be a essential factor in encouraging deliberative democracy, they never close the eyes to the significance of communication. Rawls stresses the political freedom of speech as the very condition which leads to the citizens' autonomous participation in politics, while Habermas places his hope on the role of mass media that would amplify the citizens' will gushed out in public sphere.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.11
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• pp.15-40
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• 2005

'Governance' is a subject that is widely discussed these days in the government and the academic world. I think that the new concept, 'governance', is a strategy to develop the democracy of the society in its institutional and functional aspects. When we are going to discuss about governance, public records and their relationships, without understanding the meaning of 'public' in Korea, we cannot expect to discuss the matter precisely. It is said that Korean public service sectors are awash with authoritarianism and unreasonableness, and that they are at the center of seething corruption and bribe scandals. It is the legacy that the regimes adopted in the aftermath of the Japanese colonial rule for 35 years. The colonial legacy included not simply the practice of the Japanese colony, but also people who had collaborated the Japanese. The American military government and Rhee, Sung-Man regime also appointed the same officials to government posts. As was the same case in other areas including economy, press, education, politics, law, etc. In this point of view, "Righting historical wrongs", a controversial issue now in Korea, aims at establishing the right relationships between an individual and the public, and eventually laying the foundation of democracy for future generation, a procedure of achieving good governance. Apparently, Korea has made progress in developing democracy, as well as in reforming the government policy and organization. Many independent commissions are performing the projects instead of the government institutions that mandated to do the job, but has not played their roles. The e-government projects in Korea was launched in 2001 by the former administration. However, the confusion of records-management after the promulgation of the act is the result of the lack of strategy and the inconsistency of the vision. Good record-keeping supports effective, transparent and accountable government. Accountability is a key element of good governance. It is a recognized fact that without information, there is no guidance for decision-making, and accountability. Thus without records, there is no accountability for the decisions of actions. Transparency means that the decisions taken and their enforcement are carried out based on led-out rules and regulations. When both accountability and transparency are non-existent, good governance is bound to fail. Archival institutions have to give an attention to inner-governance because of the new trend of archival practice, namely 'macro-appraisal'. This 'macro-appraisal' is a kind of a functions-based approach. However, macro-appraisal focuses not just on function, but on the three-way interaction of function, structure and citizen, which combined reflect the functioning of the state within civil society, that is to say, its governance. In conclusion, the public and democracy are major challenges in the Korean society. The so-called good governance requires good record management. In this respect, records managers are in the front line of instituting good governance, and achieving better public and democracy for future generation, a procedure of achieving good governance.

• Korean Journal of Culture and Social Issue
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• v.8 no.2
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• pp.137-170
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• 2002

The present paper reviews the development of democracy in the West and Korea. The first part of the paper provide a cultural framework for understanding the development of democracy in West and Korea. In the second part of the paper, an empirical study conducted in Korea will be presented. A survey questionnaire was developed to assess respondents' conception of political participation, political efficacy, trust, leadership, and social relations and it has been administered to national stratified sample in Korea (n=1,000). The results indicate that Korean respondents support the basic ideas of liberal democracy, such as the right to vote, participate in political organization, freedom of speech, and criticize government. At the same time, Korean respondents supported collective values, such as harmonious family life, harmonious social relations, and governmental welfare programs. Although Koreans trusted close ingroup members, such as family members and friends, they were less likely to trust their colleagues and outgroup members and were not likely to trust political and governmental institutions. Moreover, Korean respondents showed a low degree of political participation and efficacy and a high degree of political alienation. As for leadership, Koreans preferred moral and strong leaders. The overall results indicate that in Korea, although the basic ideals of democracy are valued, the method of implementing these ideals is different from the West. Detailed analysis of the results and implications of the study will be presented.