• Korean Journal of English Language and Linguistics
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• v.1 no.3
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• pp.477-496
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• 2001

Arguing against Burzio's (1986) and Levin and Rappaport Hovav's (1995) proposal that verbs that occur in the there-construction are unaccusative ones, Takami and Kuno (2000) point out counter-examples to their proposal and put forth a functional characterization of the class. This paper proposes that the class of there-construction verbs can be characterized in terms of the concept of unaccusativity, where verbs can be determined to be unaccusative depending on their contexts. More specifically, it proposes that only such verbs can be there-construction verbs as are unaccusative in a restrictive approach to argument structure as in Hale and Keyser (1993a).

• Speech Sciences
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• v.9 no.3
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• pp.251-266
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• 2002

This paper aims to compare and analyse the pattern of the pitch accent realization between the English native speakers and the .Korean speakers, using the sentences by the scope of focus including intransitive verbs; unaccusative, unergative, and passive, based on the previous studies. The results show that the English native speakers produce the intonational patterns similar to the previous study (Hoskins, 1996), which showed that English native speakers deaccented after the focused word for unaccusative and passive verbs in broad focus. Korean speakers, however, have a tendency not to deaccent after the focused word for both verbs. In the narrow subject focus condition, Koreans do not deaccent the verbs after the focused subject. In the narrow verb focus condition, they produce the pitch accent on verbs as the English native speakers do, but they tend to produce the pitch accent on subjects that should not be given any pitch accent. Therefore, unlike the English native speakers, the Korean speakers have a tendency not only that they do not produce three types of intransitive verbs with proper intonation, but also that they do not realize the focus structure itself properly.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Cognitive Science Conference
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• 2000.05a
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• pp.108-113
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• 2000

자동사의 두 하위부류, 비대격(unaccusative) 동사와 비능격 (unergative)동사는 Perlmutter(1978)의 비대격 가설 (Unaccusative Hypothesis) 이후 여러 관점에서 활발히 노의 되어왔다. 한국어에서는 사건구조적 측면에서 두 부류가 차이를 보이며, 이런 사실은 인간의 인지작용과 밀접한 관련을 맺는다. 사건구조를 과정(process)사건과 상태(state)로 가정할 때 비능격 동사는 과정사건이, 비대격 동사는 상태사건이 부각된다. 비대격 동사도 두 가지 부류로 나뉠 수 있는데, '도착하다'처럼 과정사건이 언어표현에서 중시되지 않고 결과적인 상태부분만 중요시 되는 유형(unacc_type_1)과 '녹다'처럼 과정사건도 중시되는 사건 구조를 지닌 유형(unacc_type_2)이다. 결국 비대격 동사는 결과상태를 중시하는 사건구조를 중요시 하지만 과정사건의 지각 정도에 따라 다른 양상을 보인다. 한편 비대격 동사는 사동사와도 밀접한 연관 관계를 지닌다. 많은 논의에서 비대격/사동의 교체를 논리적 다의어로 보고 분석을 시도해 왔다. 따라서 사동사를 중심으로 분석한 경우와 비대격 동사를 중심으로 분석한 경우가 있다. 본고에서는 사동분석(causative analysis)은 한국어 기술에는 적절치 않다고 판단한다. 사동분석에서 도입하는 행동주의 사건유발부분이 반드시 비대격 동사의 표현에 필수적인 것은 아니기 때문이다. 끝으로 Pustejovsky(1995)의 생성어휘부(Generative Lexicon) 이론을 한국어에 맞게 확장·수정한 이정민·강범모·남승호(1997)의 모형에 따라 두 가지 유형의 비대격 동사의 어휘 의미구조를 표상한다.

• Proceedings of the Korean Society for Language and Information Conference
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• 1998.02a
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• pp.48-59
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• 1998

• English Language & Literature Teaching
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• v.12 no.4
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• pp.69-89
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• 2006

This study investigated whether and how semantic nature of intransitive verbs can be related to the L2 overpassivization errors. A total of 126 Korean high school students participated in a grammaticality judgment test on English sentences in which seven semantically different types of intransitive verbs were passivized. The results showed that there was an effect of semantic type on the students' judgment on overpassivization errors. Overall, it was shown that the students experienced the lowest degree of difficulty with the Controlled Process-Motional type verbs while experiencing the high degree of difficulty with the Change of State, Existence of State, Continuation of Pre-existing State, and Uncontrolled Process types. Two interlanguage patterns were also identified: the students at higher proficiency level and those at lower-proficiency level showed distinctive patterns on the task. It was argued that the simple dichotomy of unaccusative-unergative distinction does not suffice for the explanation of the complex phenomenon of L2 overpassivization.

• International journal of advanced smart convergence
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• v.6 no.4
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• pp.41-49
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• 2017

In this paper I applies Borer (1993)'s way of classifying English intransitive action verbs such as 'run', walk, among many others, to the corresponding Korean intransitive action verbs such as 'tali-ta' and 'keət-ta', and show how they are different from - or similar with - each other in terms of syntactic structures and verb classification. Unlike the English verb 'run' which can be classified into an unaccusative verb as well as an unergative verb in Borer's theory, the corresponding Korean verbs 'tali-ta' or 't'wi-ta' can behave not only as an unergative and unauucsative verb, but also it can behave as a transitive verb. Though Borer's perspective on classification of verb types may be thought of as somewhat radical mostly due to its heavy dependency on aspectual representation of a whole sentence which a verb is just part of, it is clearly suggesting a new and great insight into the controversial topic of classification of verb types. So it is worth adopting this insightful perspective for the analysis of corresponding Korean verbs and seeing if it also works for the Korean ones.

• Korean Journal of Cognitive Science
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.41-46
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• 1998

The argument-structure distributions of predicates in the speech of two roca-type aphasic patients and one Conduction-type patient are compared with both matched controls and each other on the basis of narrative production data. Whereas English-speaking agrammatics have been reported to have difficulties producing noncopular unaccusative predicates (Kegl 1995) Korean-speaking agrammatics are found not to have particular difficulties with unaccusative predicates. On the assumption that agrammatics lack specific syntactic knowledge for the processing of displaced arguments from their lexically specified positions. it is proposed that unaccusatives in Korean do not involve the displacement of arguments for Case-theoretic reasons or involve a vacuous movement. if any.

• Language and Information
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.41-69
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• 2002

This paper addresses the issue of constraints on the conversion of the participle II in German, proposing a constraint-based lexical semantic approach. I argue against the widely accepted syntactic view which is based on the dichotomous distinction of intransitive verbs, which has been advanced by the Unaccusative Hypothesis [Perlmutter (1978)]. Several arguments are also given against the semantic view which is based on some aspectual notions such as 'telicity', 'transformativity' or 'terminativity'. The crucial constraints on the conversion of the participle II in German, it is argued, is instead two lexical semantic entailments, movement with a definite change of location and affectedness. These and other lexical semantic entailments in the sense of Dowty (1991) are encoded into the multiple inheritance type hierarchy of qfpsoa. The proposal made in this paper is based on the multiple inheritance hierarchy which is envisaged in a recent framework of head-driven Phrase Structure Grammar.