• 제목/요약/키워드: type 1 and type 2

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사상체질진단(四象體質診斷)의 객관화(客觀化)에 관한 연구(硏究)(기존(旣存) 설문지(說問紙)의 분석(分析)을 중심(中心)으로) (The Study in Objectification of the diagnosis of Sasang Constitution(According to Analysis of the Past Questionnaires))

  • 김영우;김종원
    • 사상체질의학회지
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    • 제11권2호
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    • pp.151-183
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    • 1999
  • 사상체질진단(四象體質診斷)에 있어 임상적(臨床的)으로 가장 많이 활용(活用)되며 또한 객관성(客觀性)이 인정(認定)되고 있는 방법(方法)으로는 설문지(設問紙)를 이용하는 방법(方法)이 있으며 그 중 대표적으로 사상변증내용(四象辨證內容) 설문조사지(設問調査紙)(I)과 사상체질분류조사지(四象體質分類調査紙)(QSCC II)가 있으나, 그 체질판정(體質判定)에 있어 각기 한쪽 체질(體質)로 치우치는 경향성(傾向性)을 보이므로 인(因)하여 임상가(臨床家)에서는 그 나름대로의 가치(價値)를 지니면서도 크게 일반화(一般化)되지 못하는 것이 현실(現實)이다. 본(本) 연구(硏究)는 사상체질진단(四象體質診斷)의 객관화(客觀化)를 위한 설문지(設問紙)의 연구(硏究)로써 동의대학교(東義大學校) 한의과대학(韓醫科大學) 부속한방병원(附屬韓方病院)에 내원(來院)한 자(者) 692명(名)(종합건강진단센터 대상자(對象者) 575명(名)과 환자(患者) 117명(名) 중 설문지(設問紙)(I)과 설문지(設問紙)(II)의 설문조사(設問調査) 결과(結果)와 사상체질전공의(四象體質專攻醫)의 체질판별(體質判別) 결과(結果)가 모두 치(致)하는 250명(名) 중(中)에서 설문지(設問紙) 내용(內容)이 비교적(比較的) 충실(充實)한 200명(名)을 대상(對象)으로 설문조사(設問調査) 내용(內容)을 통계분석(統計分析)하고 이를 토대(土臺)로 새로운 설문(設問)의 구성(構成)을 시도(試圖)하여 다음과 같은 결과(結果)를 얻게 되었다. 1. 설문지(設問紙)(I), 설문지(設問紙)(II)의 총(總) 192문항(問項)((설문지(設問紙)(I) 71문항(問項), 설문지(設問紙)(II) 121문항(問項))중에서 유의성(有意性)을 가지는 문항(問項)(P값이 최소(最小) 0.04 이상(以下))은 84문항(問項)(설문지(設問紙)(I)이 39문항(問項), 설문지(設問紙)(II)가 45문항(問項))이었다. 이중에서 서로 중복되는 항목(項目)이 22항목(項目)을 감안하연 설문지(設問紙)(I)과 설문지(設問紙)(II)의 총(總) 192문항(問項) 중(中) 체질(體質)에 따른 유의도(有意度) 검사(檢査)에 있어서 실질적(實質的)으로 유의(有意)있게 나타나는 문항(問項)은 총(總) 73문항(問項)이었다. P값이 0.001이하(以下)의 값을 보인 문항(問項)은 설문지(設問紙)(I)이 33문항(問項)이었으며, 설문지(設問紙)(II)의는 40문항(問項)으로 나타나 대체로 유의성(有意性)이 매우 높음을 알 수 있었다. 2. "설문지(設問紙)를 통한 사상체질(四象體質)의 임상적(臨床的) 분류방안(分類方案) 연구(硏究)"와 "체질진단분류(體質診斷分類)에 따른 질병(疾病) 및 증상유형(症狀類型)에 관한 임상적(臨床的) 연구(硏究)II"에서 유의성(有意性)이 입증(立證)된 설문문항(設問問項)을 몇 가지 추가(追加)하여 총(總) 851문항(問項)의 설문지(設問紙)를 구성(構成)하였다. 각(各) 문항(問項)들을 항목별(項目別)로 나누어 살펴보면, <체격(體格)과 체형(體型)>을 묻는 문항(問項)이 7개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <외모(外貌)(안색(顔色))와 태도(態度)>를 묻는 문항(問項)이 7개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <습관(習慣)과 성격(性格)>을 묻는 문항(問項)이 3개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <생리(生理)-병리상태(病理狀態)>를 묻는 문항(問項)이 3개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <평소(平素) 건강(健康)할 때 자주 느끼는 증상(症狀)>을 묻는 문항(問項)이 4개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <식사습관(食事習慣)>을 묻는 문항(問項)이 3개(個) 문항(問項)이었으며, <평소(平素) 잘 나타나는 증세(症勢)>를 묻는 문항(問項)이 14개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <일처리와 장단점(長短點)>을 묻는 문항(問項)이 6개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <대인관계(對人關係)>에 대하여 묻는 문항(問項)이 7개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <평소(平素)의 마음>에 대하여 묻는 문항(問項)이 5개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <감정특성(感情特性)>에 대하여 묻는 문항(問項)이 1개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <행동특성(行動特性)>에 대하여 묻는 문항(問項)이 10개(個) 문항(問項)이었고, <성격(性格)>에 대하여 묻는 문항(問項)이 15개(個) 문항(問項)이었다. 3. 문제지(設問紙)에서 소양인(少陽人)에 해당되는 항목(項目)은 84항목(項目)이었으며, 소음인(少陰人)에 해당되는 항목(項目)은 87항목(項目)이었으며, 태음인(太陰人)에 해당되는 항목(項目)은 70항목(項目)이었다. 또한 각(各) 설문항목(設問項目)의 유의성(有意性) 검사(檢査)에서 나타난 응답율(應答率)을 점수화(點數化)하여 가산점(加算點)을 부가(附加)한 후(後) 합산(合算)한 결과(結果) 소양인(少陽人) 항목(項目)의 점수(點數) 합계(合計)는 7785.04점(點)이었고, 소음인(少陰人) 항목(項目)의 점수(點數) 합계(合計)는 7742.80점(點)이었으며, 태음인(太陰人) 항목(項目)의 점수(點數) 합계(合計)는 7746.60점(點)이었다. 4. 새로운 설문지(設間紙)(III)의 유의성(有意性)은 임상환자(臨床患者) 75명(名)의 체질진단(體質診斷)에 있어 73.33%의 진단(診斷) 정확율(正確率)을 보이고 있으 나, 소음인(少陰人)과 태음인(太陰人)에 비하여 소양인(少陽人)의 판별율(判別率)이 다소 떨어지게 나타나고 있으며 태양인(太陽人)은 설문(設問)에서 제외(除外) 되었다.

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제 1, 2회 학생 과학 공동탐구 토론대회의 종합적 평가 (Summative Evaluation of 1993, 1994 Discussion Contest of Scientific Investigation)

  • 김은숙;윤혜경
    • 한국과학교육학회지
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    • 제16권4호
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    • pp.376-388
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    • 1996
  • The first and the second "Discussion Contest of Scientific Investigation" was evaluated in this study. This contest was a part of 'Korean Youth Science Festival' held in 1993 and 1994. The evaluation was based on the data collected from the middle school students of final teams, their teachers, a large number of middle school students and college students who were audience of the final competition. Questionnaires, interviews, reports of final teams, and video tape of final competition were used to collect data. The study focussed on three research questions. The first was about the preparation and the research process of students of final teams. The second was about the format and the proceeding of the Contest. The third was whether participating the Contest was useful experience for the students and the teachers of the final teams. The first area, the preparation and the research process of students, were investigated in three aspects. One was the level of cooperation, participation, support and the role of teachers. The second was the information search and experiment, and the third was the report writing. The students of the final teams from both years, had positive opinion about the cooperation, students' active involvement, and support from family and school. Students considered their teachers to be a guide or a counsellor, showing their level of active participation. On the other hand, the interview of 1993 participants showed that there were times that teachers took strong leading role. Therefore one can conclude that students took active roles most of the time while the room for improvement still exists. To search the information they need during the period of the preparation, student visited various places such as libraries, bookstores, universities, and research institutes. Their search was not limited to reading the books, although the books were primary source of information. Students also learned how to organize the information they found and considered leaning of organizing skill useful and fun. Variety of experiments was an important part of preparation and students had positive opinion about it. Understanding related theory was considered most difficult and important, while designing and building proper equipments was considered difficult but not important. This reflects the students' school experience where the equipments were all set in advance and students were asked to confirm the theories presented in the previous class hours. About the reports recording the research process, students recognize the importance and the necessity of the report but had difficulty in writing it. Their reports showed tendency to list everything they did without clear connection to the problem to be solved. Most of the reports did not record the references and some of them confused report writing with story telling. Therefore most of them need training in writing the reports. It is also desirable to describe the process of student learning when theory or mathematics that are beyond the level of middle school curriculum were used because it is part of their investigation. The second area of evaluation was about the format and the proceeding of the Contest, the problems given to students, and the process of student discussion. The format of the Contests, which consisted of four parts, presentation, refutation, debate and review, received good evaluation from students because it made students think more and gave more difficult time but was meaningful and helped to remember longer time according to students. On the other hand, students said the time given to each part of the contest was too short. The problems given to students were short and open ended to stimulate students' imagination and to offer various possible routes to the solution. This type of problem was very unfamiliar and gave a lot of difficulty to students. Student had positive opinion about the research process they experienced but did not recognize the fact that such a process was possible because of the oneness of the task. The level of the problems was rated as too difficult by teachers and college students but as appropriate by the middle school students in audience and participating students. This suggests that it is possible for student to convert the problems to be challengeable and intellectually satisfactory appropriate for their level of understanding even when the problems were difficult for middle school students. During the process of student discussion, a few problems were observed. Some problems were related to the technics of the discussion, such as inappropriate behavior for the role he/she was taking, mismatching answers to the questions. Some problems were related to thinking. For example, students thinking was off balanced toward deductive reasoning, and reasoning based on experimental data was weak. The last area of evaluation was the effect of the Contest. It was measured through the change of the attitude toward science and science classes, and willingness to attend the next Contest. According to the result of the questionnaire, no meaningful change in attitude was observed. However, through the interview several students were observed to have significant positive change in attitude while no student with negative change was observed. Most of the students participated in Contest said they would participate again or recommend their friend to participate. Most of the teachers agreed that the Contest should continue and they would recommend their colleagues or students to participate. As described above, the "Discussion Contest of Scientific Investigation", which was developed and tried as a new science contest, had positive response from participating students and teachers, and the audience. Two among the list of results especially demonstrated that the goal of the Contest, "active and cooperative science learning experience", was reached. One is the fact that students recognized the experience of cooperation, discussion, information search, variety of experiments to be fun and valuable. The other is the fact that the students recognized the format of the contest consisting of presentation, refutation, discussion and review, required more thinking and was challenging, but was more meaningful. Despite a few problems such as, unfamiliarity with the technics of discussion, weakness in inductive and/or experiment based reasoning, and difficulty in report writing, The Contest demonstrated the possibility of new science learning environment and science contest by offering the chance to challenge open tasks by utilizing student science knowledge and ability to inquire and to discuss rationally and critically with other students.

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Newcastle병(病) 바이러스감염(感染)에 의(依)한 면역반응억제(免疫反應抑制) (Depression of Immune Response by Newcastle Disease Virus Infection)

  • 김환종;하대유
    • 대한미생물학회지
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    • 제14권1호
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    • pp.79-87
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    • 1979
  • Newcastle병(病) 바이러스(L-NDV)가 ICR 마우스의 세포성(細胞性), 체액성(體液性) 면역반응(免疫反應)에 미치는 영향(影響)을 알아보기 위(爲)하여 2-NDV($10^6$EID/mouse)를 SRBC($10^6$EID_{50}/mouse)로 면역(免疫)하기 전후(前後) 또는 동시(同時)에 미정맥내(尾靜脈內)로 감염(感染)시키고 면역(免疫) 4일(日)에 SRBC($10^8$세포/mouse)를 challenge하여 24시간후(時間後)에 족척종창반응(足蹠腫脹反應)을 검사(檢査)하였으며, 동시(同時)에 비장세포(脾臟細胞)의 로젤형성능(形成能), 말초순환(末梢循環) 혈액내(血液內)의 임파구(淋巴球)의 수(數), 그리고 SRBC에 대(對)한 응집항체가(凝集抗體價) 및 용혈항체가(溶血抗體價)를 측정(測定)하였다. 한편 NDV 감염(感染)으로 인(因)한 면역반응(免疫反應) 억제기전(抑制機轉)을 구명(究明)하기 위(爲)하여 L-NDV를 가온(加溫) 불활화(不活化)하거나(H-NDV), 자외선(紫外線)에 조사(照射)시켜(UV-NDV) 마우스에 투여(投與)하거나, L-NDV로 유도(誘導)한 마우스조제(粗製) interferon(C-IF)을 투여(投與)하여 발현(發現)되는 반응(反應)을 측정(測定), 비교(比較)하여 다음과 같은 결과(結果)를 얻었다. 족척종창반응(足蹠腫脹反應)을 SRBC로 면역전(免疫前) 오는 면역후(免疫後)에 L-NDV를 접종(接種)한 군(群)에서 모두 억제(抑制)되었으며 그 억제정도(抑制程度)는 바이러스 감염(感染)과 항원주사(抗原注射)와의 간격(間隔)이 길면 길수록 심(甚)하였다. 그러나 UV-NDV나 H-NDV를 접종(接種)한 군(群)에서의 족척종창반응(足蹠腫脹反應)은 대조군(對照群)에 비(比)하여 대체적(大體的)으로 경미(輕微)하거나 전혀 억제(抑制)가 인지(認知)되지 않았다. 한편 C-IF나 C-IF를 가온불활화(加溫不活化)한 C-IFh를 투여(投與)한 군(群)에서의 족척종창(足蹠腫脹)은 정도(程度)의 차이(差異)는 있으나 대조군(對照群)에 비(比)하여 현저(顯著)히 감소(減少)되었다. 비장세포(脾臟細胞)의 로젤형성율(形成率)은 바이러스 감염(感染)으로 현저(顯著)히 감소(減少)되었는데 그 감소(減少)의 정도(程度)는 면역전(免役前) 또는 면역(免疫)과 동시(同時)에 바이러스를 접종(接種)한 군(群)에서 면역후(免疫後) 바이러스를 감염(感染)시킨 군(群)보다 심(甚)하였다. 한편 UV-NDV나 H-NDV를 접종(接種)한 군(群)에서 비장세포(脾臟細胞)의 로젤형성률(形成率)은 L-NDV 접종군(接種群)에 비(比)하여 약간(若干) 경미(輕微)한 감소(減少)를 보이거나 또는 비슷한 양상(樣相)을 보여 대조군(對照群)보다는 현저(顯著)히 억제(抑制)된 결과(結果)를 보였다. 또한 마우스에 C-IF를 투여(投與)하면 비장세포(脾臟細胞)의 로젤형성률(形成率)은 억제(抑制)되었으나 C-IFh를 투여(投與)하면 오히려 로젤형성률(形成率)이 증가(增加)되었다. 체액성면역반응(體液性免疫反應)은 면역전(免疫前) 24 및 48시간(時間)에 L-NDV를 접종(接種)한 군(群)에서는 현저(顯著)히 억제(抑制)되었으나, 면역전(免疫前) 9시간(時間), 면역(免疫)과 동시(同時) 또는 면역후(免疫後)에 L-NDV를 접종(接種)한 대조군(對照群)과 유의(有意)한 차이(差異)를 보이지 않았다. 순환혈액내(循環血液內) 임파구수(淋巴球數)는 면역전(免疫前) 48 또는 24시간(時間)에 L-NDV를 접종(接種)하면 대조군(對照群)에 비(比)하여 현저(顯著)히 감소(減少)되었으나, 면역전(免疫前) 9시간(時間) 또는 면역(免疫)과 동시(同時)에 L-NDV를 접종(接種)하면 오히려 그 수(數)가 증가(增加)되었다. 이상(以上)의 실험결과(實驗結果) SRBC에 대(對)한 세포성(細胞性) 면역반응(免疫反應)의 억제(抑制)는 NDV가 afferent limb과 efferent limb를 모두 억제(抑制)하여 야기(惹起)되는 체액성(體液性) 면역반응(免疫反應)의 억제(抑制)는 NDV가 afferent limb만을 억제(抑制)하여 일어남을 알 수 있다. 또한 NDV 감염(感染)으로 인(因)한 면역반응억제(免疫反應抑制)는 interferon과 바이러스의 직접적(直接的)인 작용(作用)에 기인(基因)됨을 강력(强力)히 시사(示唆)한다.

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조선왕조(朝鮮王朝) 왕릉(王陵) 문인석상(文人石像)의 복식형태(服飾形態)에 관한 연구 (A Study on the Costume Style of Civil Servants' Stone Images Erected at Tombs of the Kings for Yi-dynasty)

  • 권용옥
    • 복식
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    • 제4권
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    • pp.87-114
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    • 1981
  • A costume reveals the social characteristics of the era in which it is worn, thus we can say that the history of change of the costume is the history of change of the living culture of the era. Since the Three States era, the costume structure of this country had been affected by the costume system of the China's historical dynasties in the form of the grant therefrom because of geographical conditions, which affection was conspicuous for the bureaucrat class, particularly including but not limited to the Kings' familities. Such a grant of the costume for the bureaucrat class (i.e., official uniform) was first given by the Dang-dynasty at the age of Queen Jinduck, the 28th of the Shilla-dynasty. Since then, the costume for the bureaucrats had consecutively been affected as the ages had gone from the unified Shilla, to the Koryo and to the Yi-dynasty. As the full costumes officially used by government officials (generally called "Baek Gwan") in the Yidynasty, there existed Jo-bok, Gong-bok and Sang-bok. Of such official costumes, Gong-bok was worn at the time of conducting official affairs of the dynasty, making a respectful visit for the expression of thanks or meeting diplomatic missions of foreign countries. It appears no study was made yet with regard to the Gong-bok while the studies on the Jo-bok and the Sangbok were made. Therefore, this article is, by rendering a study and research on the styles of costumes of civil servants' stone images erected at the Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty, to help the persons concerned understand the Gong-bok, one of the official costume for Baek Kwan of that age and further purports to specifically identify the styles and changes of the Gong-bok, worn by Baek Gwan during the Yi-dynasty, consisting of the Bok-doo (a hat, four angled and two storied with flat top), Po (gown), Dae (belt), and Hol (small and thin plate which was officially held by the government officials in hand, showing the courtesy to and writing brief memorandums before the King) and Hwa (shoes). For that purpose, I investigated by actually visiting the tombs of the Kings of the Yi-dynasty including the Geonwon-neung, the tomb of the first King Tae-jo and the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong as well as the tombs of the lawful wives and concubines of various Kings, totalling 29 tombs and made reference to relevant books and records. Pursuant. to this study, of the 29 Kings' tombs the costume styles of civil servants' stone images erected at the 26 Kings' tombs are those of Gong-bok for Baek-gwan of the Yi-dynasty wearing Bok-doo as a hat and Ban-ryeong or Dan-ryenog Po as a gown with Dae, holding Hol in hand and wearing shoes. Other than those of the 26 tombs, the costume styles of the Ryu-neung, the tomb of the Moon-jo who was the first son of 23rd King Soon-jo and given the King's title after he died and of the You-neung, the tomb of the 27th King Soon-jong are those of Jobok with Yang-gwan (a sort of hat having stripes erected, which is different from the Bok-doo), and that of the Hong-neung, the tomb of the 26th King Go-jong shows an exceptional one wearing Yang-gwan and Ban-ryeong Po ; these costume styles other than Gongbok remain as the subject for further study. Gong-bok which is the costume style of civil servants' stone images of most of the Kings' tombs had not been changed in its basic structure for about 500 years of the Yi-dynasty and Koryo categorized by the class of officials pursuant to the color of Po and materials of Dae and Hol. Summary of this costume style follows: (1) Gwan-mo (hat). The Gwan-mo style of civil servants' stone images of the 26 Kings' tombs, other than Ryu-neung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have Yang-gwan, out of the 29 Kings' tombs of the Yi-dynasty reveals the Bok-doo with four angled top, having fore-part and back-part divided. Back part of the Bok-doo is double the fore-part in height. The expression of the Gak (wings of the Bokdoo) varies: the Gyo-gak Bok-doo in that the Gaks, roundly arisen to the direction of the top, are clossed each other (tombs of the Kings Tae-jong), the downward style Jeon-gak Bok-doo in that soft Gaks are hanged on the shoulders (tombs of the Kings Joong-jong and Seong-jong) and another types of Jeon-gak Bok-doo having Gaks which arearisen steeply or roundly to the direction of top and the end of which are treated in a rounded or straight line form. At the lower edge one protrusive line distinctly reveals. Exceptionally, there reveals 11 Yang-gwan (gwan having 11 stripes erected) at the Ryu-neung of the King Moon-jo, 9 Yang-gwan at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong and 11 Yang-gwan at the You-neung of the King Soon-jong; noting that the Yang-gwan of Baek Kwan, granted by the Myeong-dynasty of the China during the Yi-dynasty, was in the shape of 5 Yang-gwan for the first Poom (class) based on the principle of "Yideung Chaegang" (gradual degrading for secondary level), the above-mentioned Yang-gwans are very contrary to the principle and I do not touch such issue in this study, leaving for further study. (2) Po (gown). (a) Git (collar). Collar style of Po was the Ban-ryeong (round collar) having small neck-line in the early stage and was changed to the Dan-ryeong (round collar having deep neck-line) in the middle of the: dynasty. In the Dan-ryeong style of the middle era (shown at the tomb of the King Young-jo); a, thin line such as bias is shown around the internal side edge and the width of collar became wide a little. It is particularly noted that the Ryu-neung established in the middle stage and the You-neung in the later stage show civil servants in Jo-bok with the the Jikryeong (straight collar) Po and in case of the Hong-neung, the Hong-neung, the tomb of the King Go-jong, civil servants, although they wear Yang-gwan, are in the Ban-ryeong Po with Hoo-soo (back embroidery) and Dae and wear shoes as used in the Jo-bok style. As I could not make clear the theoretical basis of why the civil servants' costume styles revealed, at these tombs of the Kings are different from those of other tombs, I left this issue for further study. It is also noted that all the civil servants' stone images show the shape of triangled collar which is revealed over the Godae-git of Po. This triangled collar, I believe, would be the collar of the Cheomri which was worn in the middle of the Po and the underwear, (b) Sleeve. The sleeve was in the Gwan-soo (wide sleeve) style. having the width of over 100 centimeter from the early stage to the later stage arid in the Doo-ri sleeve style having the edge slightly rounded and we can recognize that it was the long sleeve in view of block fold shaped protrusive line, expressed on the arms. At the age of the King Young-jo, the sleeve-end became slightly narrow and as a result, the lower line of the sleeve were shaped curved. We can see another shape of narrow sleeve inside the wide sleeve-end, which should be the sleeve of the Cheom-ri worn under the Gong-bok. (c) Moo. The Moo revealed on the Po of civil servants' stone images at the age of the King Sook-jong' coming to the middle era. Initially the top of the Moo was expressed flat but the Moo was gradually changed to the triangled shape with the acute top. In certain cases, top or lower part of the Moo are not reveald because of wear and tear. (d) Yeomim. Yeomim (folding) of the Po was first expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Won-neung, the tomb of the King Young-jo and we can seemore delicate expression of the Yeomim and Goreum (stripe folding and fixing the lapel of the Po) at the tomb of the Jeongseong-wanghoo, the wife of the King Young-jo, At the age of the King Soon-jo, we can see the shape of Goreum similar to a string rather than the Goreum and the upper part of the Goreum which fixes Yeomim was expressed on the right sleeve. (3) Dae. Dae fixed on the Po was placed half of the length of Po from the shoulders in the early stage. Thereafter, at the age of the King Hyeon-jong it was shown on the slightly upper part. placed around one third of the length of Po. With regard to the design of Dae, all the civil servants' stone images of the Kings' tombs other than those of the Geonwon-neung of the King Tae-jo show single or double protrusive line expressed at the edge of Dae and in the middle of such lines, cloud pattern, dangcho (a grass) pattern, chrysanthemum pattern or other various types of flowery patterns were designed. Remaining portion of the waist Dae was hanged up on the back, which was initially expressed as directed from the left to the right but thereafter expressed. without orderly fashion,. to the direction of the left from the right and vice versa, Dae was in the shape of Yaja Dae. In this regard, an issue of when or where such a disorderly fashion of the direction of the remaining portion of waist Dae was originated is also presented to be clarified. In case of the Ryuneung, Hong-neung and You-neung which have civil servants' stone images wearing exceptional costume (Jo-bok), waist Dae of the Ryu-neung and Hong-neung are designed in the mixture of dual cranes pattern, cosecutive beaded pattern and chrvsenthemum pattern and that of You-neung is designed in cloud pattern. (4) Hol. Although materials of the Hol held in hand of civil servants' stone images are not identifiable, those should be the ivory Hol as all the Baek Gwan's erected as stone images should be high class officials. In the styles, no significant changes were found, however the Hol's expressed on civil servants' stone images of the Yi-dynasty were shaped in round top and angled bottom or round top and bottom. Parcicularly, at the age of the King Young-jo the Hol was expressed in the peculiar type with four angles all cut off. (5) Hwa (shoes). As the shoes expressed on civil servants' stone images are covered with the lower edges of the Po, the styles thereof are not exactly identifiable. However, reading the statement "black leather shoes for the first class (1 Poom) to ninth class (9 Poom)," recorded in the Gyeongkook Daejon, we can believe that the shoes were worn. As the age went on, the front tips of the shoes were soared and particularly, at the Hong-neung of the King Go-jong the shoes were obviously expressed with modern sense as the country were civilized.

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