• Journal of Environmental Policy
• /
• v.10 no.2
• /
• pp.3-19
• /
• 2011

Nagoya Protocol designed to establish criteria about material trade of biological genetic resources(ABS) was adopted in the 10th conference of the Parties to the Convention on Biological Diversity. In the course of the negotiation for adoption of the protocol, there was conflict between developed and developing countries, resource-rich and poor countries, and multinational corporations and environmentalists. This study investigates conflict process, subjects, issues and major factors in the negotiation case, and analyzes the negotiation by using the Conflict Management Process. To develope conflict management strategies for various conflict cases, we examine previous studies and analyze the intersectional conflict factors of this case and general cases, such as Fundamental side, Resource-allocation side, and Communication/Information-sharing side. These analyses of conflict prevention/resolution of the ABS negotiation show the importance of building mutual trust among stakeholders, enhancing mediator training, and constructing appropriate legislative/policy systems for successful conflict management.

• Journal of Information Technology Services
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.53-62
• /
• 2003

Current P2P (Peer-to-Peer) applications have the limited functions such as file search and transfer between peers and have the limitations such as trust problem on search results, copyright problem, and profitable business model problem. For a P2P application to be used as a business platform for the distribution of various multimedia contents, this paper proposes an extended P2P application architecture and its prototype system including distributed collaborative filtering, automated price negotiation system, and payment mechanism.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
• /
• v.7 no.4
• /
• pp.105-134
• /
• 2008

Local opposition and protest constitute single greatest hurdle to the siting of locally unwanted land uses(LULUs), especially siting of high-level radioactive disposal not only throughout Korea but also throughout the industrialized world. It can be attributed mainly to the NIMBYism, equity problem, and lack of participation. These problems are arisen from rational planning process which emphasizes instrumental rationality. But planning is a value-laden political activity, in which substantive rationality is central. To achieve this goals, we need a sound planning process for siting LULUs, which should improve the ability of citizens to influence the decisions that affects them. By a sound planning process, we mean one that is open to citizen input and contains accurate and complete information. In other word, the public is also part of the goal setting process and, as the information and analyses developed by the planners are evaluated by the public, strategies for solutions can be developed through consensus-building. This method is called as a co-operative siting process, and must be structured in order to arrive at publicly acceptable decisions. The followings are decided by consensus-building method. 1. Negotiation will be held? 2. What is the benefits and risks of negotiation? 3. What are solutions when collisions between national interests and local ones come into? 4. What are the agendas? 5. What is the community' role in site selection? 6. Are there incentives to negotiation. 7. Who are the parties to the negotiation? 8. Who will represent the community? 9. What groundwork of negotiation is set up? 10. How do we assure that the community access to information and expert? 11. What happens if negotiation is failed? 12. Is it necessary to trust each other in negotiations? 13. Is a mediator needed in negotiations?

• The Journal of Fisheries Business Administration
• /
• v.46 no.3
• /
• pp.83-101
• /
• 2015

The main purpose of this study is to explore a way of South-North Korea fisheries cooperation through international organizations under the principles of the Korean peninsula trust process. Considering the government policy toward the North, although some humanitarian aids or cooperations may be plausible with permission of the Ministry of Reunification. direct cooperations between the South and the North Korea must be much limited at leat under the present government. The 5.24 measures taken in 2010 banned in fact all economic/humanitarian cooperations by private sectors and government. Noting the present and the visible future, an important question is whether the North accepts all cooperations including fisheries, bartering giving up nuclear weapon development for the 5.24 measures. It would be a difficult question to be answered, because win-set to both parties is too narrow, so far as there is no change in the South-North conflicting priority policies. If so, one way of implementing South-North fisheries cooperations is to drive forward cooperative programs through UN organizations. Since for instance FAO and WFP secure justification and roles and has a global network, they have sufficient capacity of being abe to organize fisheries experts. If the South can finance the budget necessary for the programs, FAO or WFP would lead the programs through a negotiation with the North. In other words, it is a type of cooperative model that FAO or WFP leads the programs and the South finances. In addition, if World Fisheries University(WFU) is invited to the Republic of Korea, it might make a great contribution to expert exchange of the North.

• Journal of Public Diplomacy
• /
• v.2 no.2
• /
• pp.27-52
• /
• 2022

Objectives: The neighboring countries of South Korea and Japan in Northeast Asia have interacted in both positive and negative ways, at times as close partners and other times adversaries, throughout their long and thorny history of extensive dynamics. The controversial dispute over Dokdo is one of the most critical issues evoking harsh tensions and arguments asserting wholly opposite claims. Dokdo is a small island between two coastal states, but significant in terms of territorial, botanical, and marine resources, and thus ownership of the island has become a point of conflict accompanied by a troubled history. But why has Dokdo been a source of conflicts and how should the controversial Dokdo issue be addressed in a way that fosters positive influence and co-prosperity? Methods: This study provides comprehensive and critical insights from a wealth of previous research and strategic suggestions for the Korean government. It utilizes the three perspectives of historical documents and political context, international regulations and legal frames, and public diplomacy. Furthermore, it applies these resources to negotiation theories and strategies to propose reasonable solutions. Results: This study suggests that it is important for Korea and Japan to try to build mutual trust through more active communication and interaction in order to understand each other before attempting to create a formal resolution via negotiation. In addition to these efforts, Korea needs to be ready for the inevitable need to take decisive action in terms of negotiation, using analytic and efficient strategies. The study proposes three solutions: 1) Strong Action Strategy, 2) International Legal Strategy, and 3) Public Diplomacy Strategy. Conclusions: From the perspective of public diplomacy, the Dokdo issue needs to be converted from a symbol of conflicts between Korea and Japan into a symbol of peace and co-prosperity. In addition to promoting a positive relationship between the two states, it can also contribute to the security environment of the Northeast Asian region and global peace.

• Korean Journal of Construction Engineering and Management
• /
• v.12 no.6
• /
• pp.93-100
• /
• 2011

As the construction management(CM) market has grown, so has the CM competition in the market place. Consequently, competent construction managers become a core part of CM firms' competitiveness. The objective of the study is to identify and discuss core competencies of construction mangers based on literature survey, Delphi Method and AHP. Among various competencies required for construction managers, skills for problem solving, trust and negotiation skills were identified as the crux of construction managers' competencies. A better understanding of construction managers' core competencies is very critical in terms of CM firms' training of construction managers and continuos self-improvement for construction managers.

• English & American cultural studies
• /
• v.14 no.1
• /
• pp.193-218
• /
• 2014

This essay explores Congreve's last play The way of the World in terms of English new identity of the gentry represented by Mirabell in political, social and historical context of the Bloodless Revolution. Particularly, this essay focuses on behavioral differences between Mirabell and Fainall as characters who manage a certain type of acceptable Englishness through their heir. The acceptable Englishness separates what the differences are between two rakes from the outside of normative principle. The Way of the World reflects Lockean republican ideology in personal and familial relationships. Mirabell as a heroic rake represents new expectations for Englishmen who rejects absolute sovereign contrasted by Fainall's foreign tyrannical ways of domesticity. The Foreignness of Fainall's in the play is displaced by corollary change in the new model of English identity exemplified by Mirabell. Through the play, Congreve tends to satirize repressive morality of Hobbesian extremism and emphasizes the Revolution settlement based on consent sand trust instead. Mirabell's normative will harmonizes individual desire for happiness with social demand. In a sense Congreve's The Way of the World is a play reaching typical Restoration ending of intrigue and conspiracy through two rakes's interaction. Accordingly, this essay tries to show what separates the heroic rake from tyrannical libertine through their way of love, money, compromise and negotiation, which is their way of life.

• East Asian Economic Review
• /
• v.26 no.1
• /
• pp.3-25
• /
• 2022

East Asia's Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) came into force in 2022 as the world's largest free trade agreement. RCEP was concluded, signed and brought into force in the face of major international uncertainty and is a significant boost to the global trading system. RCEP brings Australia, China, Japan, South Korea and New Zealand into the same agreement with the ten member ASEAN group at its centre. It keeps markets open and updates trade and investment rules in East Asia, a major centre of global economic activity, at a time of rising protectionism when the WTO itself is under threat. The agreement builds on ASEAN's free trade agreements and strengthens ASEAN centrality. One of the pillars of RCEP is an economic cooperation agenda which has its antecedents in ASEAN's approach to bringing along its least developed members and builds on the experience of capacity building in APEC and technical cooperation under the ASEAN Australia-New Zealand Free Trade Agreement. There is an opportunity to create a framework that facilitates deeper economic cooperation that involves experience-sharing, extending RCEP's rules and membership at the same time as strengthening political cooperation. The paper suggests some areas that might be best suited to cooperation - that is confidence and trust building instead of or before negotiation - and discusses how non-members may be engaged and the membership expanded. Options such as multilateralising provisions and becoming a platform for policy convergence and coordinating unilateral reforms are canvassed.

• Journal of Arbitration Studies
• /
• v.17 no.3
• /
• pp.31-56
• /
• 2007

The purpose of this thesis lies on building the foundation for the further activation of trade among the Northeast Asian countries such as South Korea, Japan, China, Russia, and North Korea through an analytical comparison of their arbitration systems. Further activation of trade cannot be reached without previously building safety measures on the negotiation of exports, the control on defective imported merchandise, the returns on investments, and the stable management of businesses. Throughout this thesis an analytical comparison of these five countries' most important areas on arbitration will be carried out. These areas are the arbitration laws and organizations; the structures of the laws; scope of arbitration; form of arbitration agreement, appointment of arbitratiors, place of arbitration, hearing, court assistance in taking evidence, governing law, decision making by panel of arbitrators, form and contents of awards, effective of award, recourse against award, recognition and enforcement of awards. etc. It was found in each of the areas cases to be identical, similar or verydifferent; also, cases unable to arbitrate. This phenomenon was found to occur due to the differences in political and economic systems and perception of arbitration among these countries. Additionally, this thesis points out what should each country do for its integration. It is also suggested the organization of a common arbitration research body to continue the efforts for raising the awareness, building trust, and mutual recognition among the countries to ultimately create a common arbitration system. Lastly, it is a personal will that this thesis will serve as the starting point for in depth researches in each of the presented areas.

• Journal of Environmental Policy
• /
• v.11 no.3
• /
• pp.149-170
• /
• 2012

The United Nations Climate Change Conference, Durban 2011, ended on December 12, 2011, 36 hours over its schedule, delivering the Durban Package, which consisted of, inter alia, the extension of the period for Kyoto Protocol term and the launch of Ad-hoc working Group on the Durban Platform for Enhanced Action. Despite the positive progress made in Durban, the future of post-2012 climate regime still seems cloudy. Before the Durban conference, some of Annex I countries with emissions reduction commitment under the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period openly declared their intention not to participate in the second one, reducing the effectiveness of Durban agreement. Parties to the conference have a long list of difficult issues disturbing the materialization of the new legal agreement in 2020 such as level of mitigation targets of individual countries and legal nature of their commitment. Given this uncertainty, the Korean government should reinforce its domestic climate policies rather than settling in the fact that it remains as a non-Annex I county party under the Durban Agreement due to the extension of the Kyoto Protocol period. Domestically, it needs to continue to raise the public awareness for rigorous climate policies to transit its economy to low carbon pathway which reduces the country's dependency on fossil fuel in the long term. It is also important to implement cost effective climate policies to cope with domestic resistance and international competitiveness. Internationally, its priority would be working for trust-building in the on-going negotiation meetings to encourage meaningful participation of all parties.