• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.7-40
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• 2018

This article aims to analyze sharing city and energy transition policies of Metropolitan Seoul in terms of the theory of sustainability transition. The concept of sustainability transition provides a framework to analyze how sustainability oriented long-term transition emerges from the existing social institutions and incumbents and who/how steers this process. For solving environmental challenges as systemic problems, system/regime transition for sustainability is needed and reflexive governance as well in this process. Especially, with these reflexive interventions, the consideration of politics of transition is essential. This paper analyzes cases of 'Nanum Car (car sharing)', 'Seoul Bike (public bike)' as 'sharing city' policy and 'One less nuclear power plant (OLNPP)', 'Energy self-reliant villages' as energy transition policy. We found out that reflexive governance and transition politics of car sharing were not successful, but public bike policy had a potential for transition to sustainable transportation system. These two cases, however, provided little potential for new mode of politics of transition. OLNPP and 'Energy self-reliant villages' have made an opportunity for system/regime transition through making vision of post-nuclear system and achieving ecological and social justice goals. In terms of governance and politics of transition, the latter two cases made a new mode of sustainability governance and power relations.

• Cross-Cultural Studies
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• v.35
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• pp.35-58
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• 2014

This article aims to explain the 'people-image' of Bakhtin's works in the light of "Transgredience" and "Transition." According to Bakhtin, the real core of every culture is the people. But he did try to answer the question "what is the people?" I think, the secret of Bakhtinian thought is located in the people-image, because it is the one of the territories that have not been explained. For this purpose, we have to examine four images represented by Bakhtin, - rogue, clown, fool, thief. These images are the concrete and individualized images of people, who can characterize the power of transgredience and transition. They commonly act for changing ordinary borders of identities formulated with nationality, property, status, classes, sex and so forth. In this sense, Bakhtin thinks that the masks are the real nature which can show the mutational power of Being. That is the kernel of Bakhtin's people-image that makes and changes every cultural world. When we accept and practise this perspective positively, we will realize that Bakhtin's position is close to the cultural politics, because a practical power of thought cannot help but being political. That's why we have to investigate Bakhtin's people-image from a vantage point of "Transgredience" and "Transition."

• Journal of the Economic Geographical Society of Korea
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• v.17 no.3
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• pp.567-584
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• 2014

This paper attempts to analyze labor politics under the Kim Young-Sam regime. The labor politics transformed from conflictual pluralism to social partnership. The transition was triggered by the 'IMF economic crisis,' and the transitional direction was determined by the character of political regime and the pattern of social coalitions. These findings imply that the transitional direction of labor politics is not determined by an economic crisis or international pressure, but by the relational dynamics of social coalitions forcing social actors to new perception and strategic choice.

• Korean Journal of Legislative Studies
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• v.15 no.2
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• pp.131-158
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• 2009

20 years has passed since June democratization movement of 1987 that made the representative system worked democratically on the basis of free election politics. So far, democratic movement bloc has been elected to government power at least two times. Conservative bloc of old ruling forces made a peaceful re-turn-over and grasped the government power. It looks that electoral democracy has been working very well. But people's distrust in Korean politics is not decreasing. Recently, crisis of representation is discussed. Korean representative system faces the dual tasks. One originates from the delay of institutional reform, another from the change of political circumstances. This paper diagnose the Korean representative democracy of today, focusing on those dual tasks. Especially, it is proposed to reform the present Korean presidentialism of winner-takes-all power structure. It is also to resolve the problem of Korean parliamentary politics deeply depending on the presidency.

• The Research Journal of the Costume Culture
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• v.7 no.5
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• pp.46-55
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• 1999

This research, as a study of the documentary records, examined the process of men\`s wear development year by year, looking into the newspapers which show objectively social phenomena in those days. The outcomes therefrom were classified according to the important factors of dress and ornaments\` modeling i. e. style, color, pattern, material, ornamentation method. And then, the process of men\`s wear transition was analyzed based on the aforesaid examination with its classification. The above analyses revealed that a transition of a dress and ornaments closely correlates with a social and cultural change and also meant that the dress and ornaments symbolizes the social phenomena in those days. Thanks to the holding of Seoul Olympic Games in 1988, Korean society had tremendously grown with rapid changes in its politics, economy and culture. Also, men\`s wear type became innovative, breaking from the existing orthodox one due to the transition of men\`s viewpoints on value and their lives\` style.

• Analyses & Alternatives
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.2-12
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• 2017

Research on democratic transitions has relatively ignored the question of why some countries experience a regressive form of political pacts, while others do not. This paper develops a simple game-theoretic model to explain the phenomenon of collusive pacts in the process of democratization. Trasformismo is a term that refers to a system of political exchange based on informal clientelistic politics. The existing studies of the politics of trasformismo have emphasized the timing of industrialization and the tradition of strong state as conditions of the politics of trasformismo. However, not every late industrializers and not every strong states experienced some variants of collusive political pacts in their trajectories of democratization. In this paper, I contend that the politics of trasformismo is rather a generalizable pattern of political elites' behavior under particular circumstances. By developing a simple game theoretic model, this paper suggests the conditions under which political actors are likely to collude to a regressive form of political pacts. The model shows that the likelihood of collusion to a regressive form of political pacts is a function of a set of parameters. First, a higher level of incumbency advantage in electoral competition is likely to be associated with a higher probability of collusive political pacts. Second, a higher degree of the monopoly of political representation of political parties without a close link with a variety of societal forces is likely to induce collusive behavior among politicians. Third, the ruling party leader's expectations about the likelihood of a safe extrication are related to collusive political pacts. This paper then engages in a case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea. The 1990 Korean case is interesting in that the ruling party created a new party after having merged with two opposition parties. This case can be considered a result of political maneuver in a context of democratization. The case study suggests the empirical relevance of the game-theoretic model. As the game of trasformismo and the case study of the 1990 three-party merger in South Korea have shown, the collusive political pact was neither determined by a certain stage of economic development nor by a particular cultural systems. Rather, it was a product of the art of trasformismo based on party leaders' rational calculations of the expected likelihood of taking governing power.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.11 no.2
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• pp.85-105
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• 2019

Investigating the clash among different forms of international relations has been a frequent issue in modern research and attracts interest in the fields of history and politics. In the nineteenth-century, Asia witnessed a fierce struggle between traditional relations in Asia that existed during the feudal period, that of "The Heavenly Dynasty, China and its vassal states"; and a the new form of relations introduced by the West, that of relations between "colonial powers and colonized countries." As a result, the formation of "colonial societies" in Asia with very specific features was established. However, as stated by Vu (2015), for many reasons, which include the lack of material resources, the politically sensitive nature of the object, and the focus on gains and losses in previous studies, there were little studies on the process of demarcating the Tonkinese border between Franco and Chinese in Vietnam, especially from a globalization perspective. This study thus aims at examining the issue of the demarcation of the Tonkinese Border between Franco and Chinese (1885-1895), in view of globalization, as a case study for the transition process of the modern history of Vietnamese society.

• SUVANNABHUMI
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• v.7 no.2
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• pp.57-78
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• 2015

Southeast Asia has been a showcase for democratic transitions in the past 30 years. This paper proposes a conceptual lens for studying political shifts in the Southeast Asian region. The argumentative storyline follows two fundamental propositions about democratic transitions. My first proposition is that during democratic transitions, human phenomena arise on nested analytical layers namely the global arena, the state, prodemocracy movements, and individuals. Each layer is conventionally studied by international relations, political science, sociology, and psychology respectively. I propose a multidisciplinary lens that transverses all these analytical layers. A second proposition is that during political shifts, social conditions are historically-situated. Historicity is anchored on stages of democratization, namely the authoritarian regime, toppling the regime, power shift, state building, and nation building. This paper describes a 4 × 5 matrix (analytical layer × historical stage) that may guide a regional agenda on the empirical study of democratic transitions in the Southeast Asian region. It likewise gives examples of research findings in Philippine-based studies that have already begun to provide empirical data about segments of this research matrix.

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.22 no.1
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• pp.139-170
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• 2018

The Moon Jae-In government's nuclear phase-out policy, on the one hand, has significance in that it has for the first time put the brakes on the nuclear expansion policy and has escaped from the inertia of existing policies. On the other hand, however, since the ethical basis of the nuclear phase-out has not been clearly defined as policy norms, it faces the contradiction between the nuclear phase-out domestically and the export promotion of nuclear power plants. Furthermore the nuclear phase-out policy remains ambiguous and politically irresponsible in that there is no political vision for the energy transition or nuclear phase-out time; and the nuclear phase-out policies have not been enacted yet. This paper considered that these kinds of problems have stemmed from the absence of nuclear politics and analyzed its causes and effects. In this paper the causes of the absence of nuclear politics were identified in the characteristics of the Korean developmental state model and administrative bureaucrats' planning; and its effects were qualitatively analysed through the National Assembly members' statements expressed on the minutes of the relevant National Assembly Standing Committees. The result of the analysis indicates that the lack of nuclear power politics led to the failure of the legislature to control the nuclear administration and led to irresponsible politics especially in the nuclear back-end management. Therefore this research emphasized the necessity of responsible intervention of party politics in the nuclear policy and suggested the policy norms for the nuclear phase-out based on the concepts of Max Weber 's the ethics of conviction (Gesinnungsethik) and the ethics of responsibility (Verantwortungsethik).

• The Journal of Learner-Centered Curriculum and Instruction (JLCCI)
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• v.23 no.1
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• pp.75-105
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• 2019

As energy transition accelerates and transition politics intensifies, the strategy and pathway of energy transition are becoming an issue. And there is a growing interest in energy democracy as a discourse criticizing market-led energy transition and seeking fundamental restructuring of energy system. However, the imaginations of energy democracy are different from each other as a social movement discourse and a criterion for political evaluation of energy transition. This study aims to analyze the issues of energy democracy and reinterpret them from the perspective of the Commons. As various social movements are connected, energy democracy includes elements of localization, decentralization, liberalization, commoning and socialization that can conflict with each other in terms of transition strategy. In addition, the imagination of the subject of energy transition is diverging between investors, consumers, workers, and energy citizens. Thinking about energy infrastructure as the Commons in this situation helps to understand the critical issues of energy democracy and to imagine new transition experiments. Energy democracy implies that the new commons are being created across the scale of energy infrastructure in the contention of the transition to a decentralized renewable energy system.