• The Korean Journal of Community Living Science
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• v.20 no.4
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• pp.579-588
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• 2009

This study examined the birth timing and the birth interval for married women, focusing on their employment status. Relying on 2005 National Survey of Marriage and Fertility, three different groups were selected: those who have no child until five years after marriage; those who gave birth for the first child within three years; those who gave birth for the second child within three years. Results show that married women who have temporary jobs tend to have longer period of having no child than housewives. In contrast, among those who have the second child within three years, married women who have temporary jobs tend to have shorter birth interval for their second child than housewives. Women in their 20s are more likely to have shorter period of time to have the first child and shorter interval for the second child than those in their 30s. Job security for married women, maternity leave for childbirth and childcare, and family-friendly environment should be strengthened to increase the fertility level by shortening the timing of having the first child and the birth interval.

• Journal of Labour Economics
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• v.43 no.4
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• pp.35-86
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• 2020

We estimate the effects of marriage on women's labor market outcomes and subject well-being. To resolve the endogeneity problem of marital status and timing of marriage, we use the difference-in-differences event study method which compares the trends of the outcome before and after the event between treatment and control groups. For robustness, we use four different control groups. The results show that the probability of working drops significantly by about 10%p in the first year of marriage and the effect becomes as large as 46%p by the 5th year of marriage. Also monthly earnings decrease substantially. We find that marriage increases subjective well-being, while the effect is not persistent.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.22 no.2
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• pp.47-71
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• 1999

이 연구는 결혼시기에 결혼 이전의 생애과정이 미치는 영향을 분석하고 있다. 자료는 1983년 전국인구이동조사의 개인 생애사 자료이다. 분석방법은 이산시간 사건사분석을 사용하고 있다. 이 연구는 생애과정을 생애사건의 연쇄로 파악하여 생애사건연쇄분석을 하고 있다. 이 연구에서는 생애과정이 결혼시기에 미치는 영향을 네 가지의 가설로 설정하여검증하고 있다. 연구결과 결혼이전의 생애과정이 결혼시기에 미치는 영향은 성별로 차이가 있음을 보여주고 있다. 또한 생애과정인지에 따라 결혼시기에 미치는 영향도 차이가 있음을 보여 주고 있다.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.107-138
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• 2002

In general, women's labor force participation follows a M-curve pattern because women's state of economic activity usually changes by their life course stage. This research attentions that the effect of sequence of life course as well as the effects of‘marriage bar’, or‘maternity leave’is very important in understanding women's chaning economic activity status. First, this research hypothesizes that women's four patterns of job career such as‘continuous pattern’,‘discontinuous pattern’,‘non-economic activity pattern’,‘marriage leave pattern’result a significant difference in social and demographic variables. Second, this research analyzes the effect of ordering and timing of life events on women's work transition. This research investigates labor market dynamics to conceptualize labor market behaviors using longitudinal data and sequence analysis and event history analysis. We find that four patterns of job career vary by age, educational attainment, having a certificate or not, their parents’human capital and health status. And we find that the ordering and timing of‘participation in labor market’and‘marriage’determine the pattern of women's work transition.

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.349-378
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• 2010

The Life-Course perspective is a theoretical orientation that views the life-course as the age structure embedded in social institutions and history and understands the life-course of individual and group in the contextual perspective. The life-course perspective studies were developed in Germany and North America. They study social and historical effects and the effect of institutions and the state on the life-course, the pathway of the work career and differences of labour outcomes, and the inequality that is developed in the life-course. In Korea, the life-course perspective studies were tried in various fields and cumulated. However, it didn't established as a theoretical orientation. For applying the life-course perspective to connect the individual life-course with social and historical event, I describe the historical location of individuals born between 1930 and 1979 and analyse the change of their transitions to adulthood exploratorily. On results, the extension of education made the structural change of their life-course, and in young cohort the timing of leaving school, entering workforce, marriage and childbirth was delayed and transitions were made in narrower spread. It means the standardization of the life-course as appears in modern society. The 1970s birth cohort has the differenciated life-course pattern, however I cannot verify that change because of the right censoring.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.35
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• pp.387-414
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• 2009

This paper looks into the Confucius customs of Yiphu and Seungjung, that is respectively a problem of deciding the successor of the family and a matter of establishing Jongtong (宗統: the proper inheritance line of the family), especially concerning the funerary and ancestor memorial services through Seongho Lee Ik's discussion on proprieties, whose Yeahak (禮學: Studies on Proprieties) is representative of the eighteenth century Yeahak. Seongho Lee Ik sees that there is one penetrating principle that should apply the same concerning Jongtong, regardless whether it is for the state or for a family or whether it is for the royal family or for the gentry in or out of the state service. To establish this one penetrating principle, he emphasizes the manners that fit one's circumstance and social standing, proposed as the theory and practice of 'Seoin-garyea (庶人家禮: Proper customs that even common people with no official titles can practice in marking their important life events like coming-of-age, marriage, and death)'. These two aspects of Seongho seem at odds with each other at a glance. Yet given that he considers that keeping proprietary manners for their own social standings would help secure the fundamental social order, which is of supreme importance to him, it makes sense. Next, the most problematic issues about Seongjung and Yiphu are the timing when one can declare the 'absence of the patriarch' and the manner how one substitutes oneself for the absent patriarch. Seongho sees that it is one thing to 'inherit the Jongtong' and it is another to 'become a next patriarch'. Basically, he does not separate the problem of Jongtong by one's social standings. The real situation involved can be different based on one's social standing, he readily acknowledges. Yet, 'the unchangeable ethical principle between the father and the son' would prevail over the same regardless of classes, he insists. This attitude of his is in line with his philosophy of proprieties and his practical guidance that proposes 'Seoin-Garyea' with an appeal to establish fundamental social order based on the practice of proper manners in accordance of one's social standing as he philosophizes the rules of Jongtong on the base of the one penetrating principle.