• The Korean Journal of Elementary Counseling
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• v.6 no.1
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• pp.141-169
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• 2007

One of the most common feelings in everyday life is anger. Anger plays an important role in activating emotional energy and increasing intolerance when confronted with hardships, frustration and improper treatments. And it provides us with controlling interpersonal behavior, organizing internal, physiological, psychological process and various adaptive functions. If anger is not properly expressed, it brings about offensive attitude, leading to not only physical impairment but also anxiety in interpersonal relations and maladaptive to everyday life. For elementary school students, frequent quarrels, abusive words and defiant attitude toward adults are also caused by students' anger. Therefore, students' anger is one of the most difficult problems to be dealt with not only psychologically but also in elementary schools. In this respect, after investigating frequently experienced anger- inducing situations and inventing anger-inducing situation questionnaire, we postulated specific situations changing irrational belief into rational one. Based on these situations, we accounted for how to cope with anger inducing factors and change irrational belief into rational one, introducing several strategies needed to control anger, invented cognitive behavioral anger control program and tried to clarify the relationship between anger inducing experience and anger regulation ability. In order to derive usual anger-inducing situations, we made 180 students with fifth and sixth grade to record the reason why he/she got angry, mood, thought, behavior and result. Through this process, we could derive 47 situations bringing about anger and prepared anger-inducing situation questionnaire. It can be divided into 3 anger inducing situations by using factor analysis into 500 elementary students of fifth and sixth grade. Cognitive behavioral anger control program used in this study consists of 13 sessions. From first to fifth session, it is composed of 10 anger control methods to make students be aware of and control their anger. From sixth through thirteenth session, the relationship between irrational belief and anger inducing is introduced is focused on how irrational belief is changed into rational one. To examine the effects of the program, high anger students and the students lacking anger control are selected. Thirty students through pre-test using anger-inducing questionnaire and anger control ability questionnaire are taught the goals and procedures. Volunteer students and students with parents' consent allocated to experimental group (12 students) and the rest of the students are control group (12 students). Cognitive Behavioral Anger Control Program are applied every 50 minutes twice a week for 7 weeks and 4 weeks before and after this program, anger-inducing situation questionnaire and anger control ability questionnaire are practiced. Data collected in this study analyzed by SPSS and Kwakstat. In the middle of this program, quarterly reports and satisfaction measuratings were evaluated to examine whether there is verbal and non-verbal behavior change and students feel satisfied with the program. The results of this study are as follows: First, Cognitive-behavioral anger control program used in this study effectively reduced anger experience and lasted for 4 weeks. Second, cognitive behavioral anger control program increased students' ability to control anger inducing situations and also effective for 4 weeks. And its effect on verbal and non-verbal behaviour was very impressive Students come to realize that irrational belief is the cause of their anger and actively apply cognitive-behavioral anger control technique to themselves as well. Students became improved in their peer relations and felt confident in everyday life. The overall evaluation of this program can be listed as follows; "very satisfactory (91.67%)", "satisfactory (8.33%)", "very helpful (91.67%)", "helpful (8.33%). In this study we first investigated several anger-inducing situations and invented anger-inducing situation questionnaire and then applied cognitive behavioral anger control program in order to control their. anger and not to experience it. By creating workbooks and manuals this method can easily be used in school education settings.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.33 no.1
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• pp.110-118
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• 2015

Borimsa Temple in Jangheung, one of the Goosanseonmoon of Shilla Dynasty, calls for a study in the field of landscape architecture because it has very significant elements in cultural and ecological landscaping aspects. This study examined the changes in landscaping elements of Borimsa Temple since the 17th century in order to newly recognize cultural landscaping value of space composition elements for traditional temple and to verify landscape architectural position. For research method, literatures such as Sajeonggi (事蹟記), Joongchanggi, a surveyed map by Fujishima Gaijiro in 1928 and Joseon Gojeogdobo (朝鮮古蹟圖譜) and modern documents including Borimsa Temple Precision Ground Survey Report and photographic records of National Archives of Korea and provincial governments were examined together with a field survey in order to trace changes in landscape elements such as buildings within the temple site, pond and temple forest. The results are as the following: First, for geographical locations of Borimsa Temple, it is located in an auspicious location and Shipyuknahansang and Cheonbul were placed in a supplementary purpose according to the contents of Bojoseonsatapbi. Compared to Namhwaseonsa Temple in China, it has a similar environmental composition but the fact that buildings were placed on platforms is a distinctive difference. Second, architectural landscape of Borimsa Temple went through the Japanese colonial era and Korean War and still going through changes today. Thus, there shall be some appropriate measures such as to establish an archive of past landscape data. Third, the contents of Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi suggests that the pond of Borimsa Temple had been in a indeterminate form with stones on the outer edge. Its name could have been Yongcheon (湧泉) according to the contents of Joongchanggi. Also, the current landscape, in comparison with past photographs, is a result of changes from surface raise occurred by ground reinforcement within the temple site. Fourth, Jangsaengpyoju (長生標柱) mentioned in Bojoseonsatapbi and Borimsa Temple Sajeonggi was thought to be the dried juniper tree in front of Daewoongbojeon, which can be found in past photographic documents but, it is now assumed to be Seokbihyeong (石碑形) considering the Gukjangsaeng and Hwangjangsaeng of Dogapsa Temple of the similar time period. Moreover, Hongsalmoon mentioned in Joongchanggi was established by King's order after the Manchu war of 1636 in praising of Buddhist monks those who had volunteered to fight for the country. Fifth, it is apparent in Borimsa Temple Joongchanggi that geomancy was a consideration in landscaping process of Borimsa Temple, and the record indicates that pine trees, bo trees and persimmon trees were planted. Sixth, tea tree forest was verified of its historical root that is Seongchailyeo from Unified Shilla through passing down of Jeong Yak-yong's Goojeunggoopo method and relevant documents of Seon Master Choui and Yi Yu-won. Seventh, nutmeg tree forest suggests that nutmegs were used in national ceremonies and for medical uses. The nutmeg tree forest was also verified of its role as Naehwasoorimdae (a forest built to prevent fire from spreading) through aerial photographs and placement of a forest reserve.

• Korea journal of population studies
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• v.27 no.1
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• pp.171-201
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• 2004

Modern sciences in the West are deeply rooted in the Greek and Roman cultural heritage. Consequently, the academic achievements accomplished by the scholars of the Arabs including Persian world, the profound thoughts developed in the Indian subcontinent, and the excellent works made by the East Asian scholars have mostly been neglected in the past. This paper attempts to compare the thoughts and theories on population developed by the Western scholars with those of East Asian scolars, in chronological order, ancient, mediaeval, and modern period before Malthus. The thesis that excessive population growth may reduce output per worker, depress levels of living for the masses and engender strife is of great antiquity. In fact, overpopulation in East Asia, especially in China, goes back to very ancient times, most Confucian scholars maintained the notion of a numerical balance between population and environment. They also looked for means to check the increase in numbers. The foundations of a theory of optimum population level, fully developed in the twentieth century, can be found in their writings. Although early population thoughts in China had not advanced far in the analysis of the significance of population size and growth, it had taken only a few steps forward. At some times and to some observers, populousness appeared desirable; at other times and to other observers, it seemed all too evident that the number of people could become too great. These viewpoints foreshowed some of the later developments. The early population literatures reviewed here seem to consist of a number of quite isolated contributions. In fact, however, there may have been a greater continuity of thought than now appears, for many of the contributions may have been lost and there are many gaps in the record. An intensive review on comparing two works, those of Malthus' and Hong, Liang-chi's, are presented in this paper. Only five years before Malthus published his famous work, An Essay on the Principle of Population, Hong published his theories on population. Some of them, Hong insisted, are very similar to the Malthusian concepts of geometrical increase, natural and artificial checks of population. Despite the excellent works in the ancient period, this paper concludes with an investigation of the reasons why modem achievements in scientific areas in the East Asia have been far behind that of the West.

• Journal of agricultural medicine and community health
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• v.12 no.1
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• pp.36-53
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• 1987

It is utmostly important to establish the efficient fitable way of peoples' active participation in primary health care especially in the areas where the public or governmental service input for the basic health care is insufficient like as in rural areas of Korea. In light of above reason, this study focused mainly on the evaluation of roles and activities of village health workers (VHWs) who were selected from grass- root level of village people in order to derive further motivation for active participation. This is believed to be a sort of feedback mechanisms. Actually, the authors collected the activity reports of VHWs who had been devoting themselves in the primary health care services of Jeomdong Area, of Yeoju Gun one of Korea University Community Health Action Programmes and survey record on the VHWs activity from correspondent people. 1 hose data were analyzed through computer programmed package. The activities performed by VHWs were limited to the performance in 1985 for conveniance. The summarized results were as follows; 1) General characteristics of VHWs. Among a total of 28 VHWs in the area, about 39.3g of them have been replaced up to the date since the implementation in 1983, because of moving out, occupational employment and of others. The age of majority (75.0%) lied between the range of 30-50, and educational background of 67.9% belonged to category of primary school graduation, about 50% of them experienced to be or were also entiled "chief of women club" of corresponding villages. 2) Work-load of VHWs. Each VHW was assigned for tasks of health care for average 55 households of 248 persons. They shared approximately 6 days a month for the activity in average and it covered 17 cases of basic health care in a month. A half of the VHWs performed home visits irregularly without solidified schedule. 3) Work performance analysis. Informations collected through VHWs were compared with data from official vital registration at local administration center "Myon Office" in 1985. VHWs collected 100.8 of new born, 116.2 of death, 58.3 of move in and 74.8 of move out in comparison with 100.0 of official registration each. Pregnant women of 79.8% of mothers among the total pregnancy of 94 which were confirmed as normally delivered or aborted cases by all means afterwards had been detected by VHWs as being pregnant and all of them received some of antenatal cares by VHWs. All(100%) of delivered women were detected by VHWs through home visits and they were cared postnatally. Whereas, according to the records of birth registration, the places of delivery were clinic in 33.7%, and mother's home in 66.3%, VHWs reported them to be clinic in 48.9%, midwifery in 20.2%. It was cleared that most of misinformation was caused by uncautious filling of birth registration at notification. Among the total of 717 eligible women under age 44 years, family planning status of 92.6% was reported by VHWs confirming practice of control to be 70.8% of reported fertile women. 4) Attitude of VHW on the roles and functions. Although 92.0% of VHWs expressed VHWs to be worthwhile, only 52.0% of them had dignity and satisfaction in their activity and 44.0% of them had passive attitude of working saying they followed direction regardlessly. Concerning difficulties in performance as a VHW, 60.7% of them pointed out lacking of medical and health related knowledge by themselves. Still, 64.0% of them thought visiting unfamilier house to be awful and 40.0% complained forms of activity to be difficult and hard. It was also revealed that 56.6% confessed lack of interest on community health service itself. Most of VHWs needed more educational training especially on clinical fields such as cares of gynecological diseases, hypertension, diabetes, and other chronic diseaes of the aged. Regular on-the-job basic trainings were said to be needed twice a year.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.32 no.4
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• pp.1-13
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• 2014

As part of reconsideration on naming of the scenic site No.1 "Myeongju Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang," this study attempts to identify whether there is any mistake with reference to place naming of Korea's No.1 scenic site and if so, to correct the problem by examining the origin of the name and its transition progress through analysis and interpretation of old maps, ancient documents such as traditional geographic books, Yusangi(遊山記) and Letters Carved on the Rocks. The findings of this study are as follows: In traditional geographic books, a term of 'Mt. Cheonghak(靑鶴山)' was first found from "SinjungDonggookyeojisungram(新增東國輿地勝覽)" and after a place name, 'Sogumgang(小金剛)' first appeared in "Yeojidoseo(輿地圖書)" in the middle of the 17th century, it was reproduced in "Jungsuimyeongji(增修臨瀛誌)", which was published in the early 20th century. However, as a result of analyzing old maps, the place name, Sogumgang cannot be found in any local or national map except place names such as Cheonghak-dong, Mt. Cheonghak and Temple Cheonghak. Even though 'Biseonam,' 'Cheonyudong,' 'Gyeongdam' and 'Mt. Cheonghak' appear in Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi(遊靑鶴山記)", any part in which 'Sogumgang' was referred is not found. Later, Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang seemed to had been called 'Mt. Cheonghak' or 'Cheonghak-dong(靑鶴洞)' for more than three centuries as seen in Lee Sun-il's "Godamilgo(孤潭逸稿)", Heo Geun's farewell records, Heo Mok's "Cheonghak-dong Guryongyeongi(靑鶴洞九龍淵記)", Yoon Sun-geo(尹宣擧)'s "Padongilgi(巴東日記)" and Lee Won-jo's letters and a poem composed by Gang Jae-hang in the middle of the 18th century is the only record in which the place name, 'Sogumgang' is shown. Meanwhile, 'Sogumgang' carved on Inung Rock(二能巖) in front of Temple Gumgang is presumed to be carved by Inunggyeoone(二能契員) in the 1870s or in 1930s, considering the size of each character, calligraphy, overall layout, wear extent and records in Jiriji. Therefore, no evidence can be found to say that each character of 'Sogumgang' was written by Yulgok because 'Sogumgang' has strong evidences of the origin of its place name. To sum up the findings stated above, since Yulgok's "Yucheonghaksangi", this place seems to have been referred as 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' and as it is confirmed that the place name, 'Sogumgang' first appeared in "Ohyeongosijo(五言古時調)" of "Ibjaeseonsangyugo(立齋先生遺稿)" and "Yeojidoseo" in the middle of the 18th century, it can be inferred that the place name, Sogumgang had been partly mingled as an another name of Mt. Cheonghak. Therefore, even though it is difficult to say the existing place name has a significant problem, it is thought that it will be better to name 'Mt. Cheonghak Cheonghak-dong' rather than 'Cheonghak-dong Sogumgang' in order to stress on this place's traditional identity as a scenic site related to Yulgok. In addition, as confirmed in this study process, it is said that each character of place names, 'Mt. Cheonghak' and 'Gyeongdam(鏡潭)' and name 'Yoon Sun-geo' carved in Rock Sikdang stated in Yoon Sun-geo's "Padongilgi" in 1964 is a pledge showing the influence of "Yucheonghaksangi" as an ancient travel literature as well as a mark of the Giho school scholars' respect and spirit to honor Yulgok.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.14 no.2
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• pp.109-152
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• 2001

Throughout this paper, I adjusted the study of 'Qian Yi'(錢乙)'s Medical Thought, and the following is the summary. 1. 'Qian Yi' wrote 'Xiao Er Yao Zheng Zhi Jue'("小兒藥證直訣", edited by 誾季忠), and there were 'Shang Han Lun Zhi Wei'("傷寒論指微"), 'Ying Ru Lun', however those are loss of the record. 2. Qian Yi's 'Zhi Jue'("直訣") was influenced by 'Lu Xin Jing', yet if we compare the quality of 'Sheng Li, Byeng Li, Bang Jae'(生理, 病理, 方劑), 'Lu Xin Jing' cannot be the foundation of 'Zhi Jue'. He took over 'Nei Jing, Shang Han Lun, Jin Gui Yao Lue, Shen Long Ben Cao Jing, Tai Ping Sheng Hui Fang'("內經", "傷寒論", "金?要略", "神膿本草經", "太平聖惠方") and put them together to the direct clinical experiences of pediatrics. 3. There is no reference regarding the difficulties of pediatric diagnosis and diseases in 'Huang Di Nei Jing'("黃帝內經") Before 'Bei Song'(北宋), regardless of the lack of data related to pediatric diseases, 'Qian Yi' established the pediatric system in 'Xiao Er Yao Zheng Zhi Jue' for the first time. 4. In his diagnosis of the pediatric diseases, he 'Si Zhen He Can'(四診合參), also considered in the eye exam seriously. In addition, he closely combined 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng'(五臟辨證), and diagnosis the pediatric diseases. 5. 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', what Qian established method was based on 'Zheng Ti Guan'(整體觀) in 'Huang Di Nei Jing'. It was based on clinical experiences and established the perspectives of 'Tian Ren Xiang Ying'(天人相應). First of all, he pinpointed 'Zhu Zheng'(主證) clearly. Secondly, he pinpointed the relationships to symptoms and then, he distinguished a generic character of 'Xu, Shi, Han, Re'(虛, 實, 寒, 熱). Finally, he made an induction from genealogical pediatric physiology. 6. 'Qian Yi' took a serious view of 'Ban Zhen'(斑疹), the inadequate field in those days. At that time, he criticized on the habituation of the misuse of medication. He treated separately which 'Ji Jing'(急驚) as 'Liang Xie'(凉瀉) and 'Man Jing'(慢驚) as 'Wen Bu'(溫補). He proposed 'Cong Gan Zhu Feng, Xin Zhu Jing'(從肝主風, 心主驚) theory and formulated 'Jing Feng'(驚風) theory as well. 7. As an opponent of a tendency to misusage of medicine, 'Qian Yi' made out a prescription with pliant medicine. He emphasized on the treatment to 'Gong Bu Shang Zheng, Bu Bu Zhi Xie, Xiao Bu Jian Shi'(攻不傷正, 補不滯邪, 消補兼施) because he had so lucid demonstration to 'Xu Shi Han Re'(虛實寒熱) of the five viscera in the field of 'Bang Yak'(方藥). 8. There were no pediatrics schools at that time, however, the pediatrics was being made up gradually by 'Jin Yuan Si Da Jia'(金元四大家) who was influenced by 'Qian Yi'. He raised an objection to medical treatment using pliant medicine. 'Qian Yi' applied 'Qu Xia'(驅下) treatment using 'Han Liang'(寒凉) medicine. 'Han Liang Pai'(寒凉派) is greatly influenced by Qian. 'Chen Wen Zhong'(陳文中) had a great impact on 'Han Liang Pai' who used a 'Zao Shu Wen Bu'(燥熟溫補) medicine for treatment. Since 'Song Jin'(宋金), he had a tremendous influence on pediatrics treating patients in both 'Han Wen'(寒溫) ways. 9. 'Qian Yi' had an influence on his medical thoughts on future generations, especially to 'Wan Quan'(萬全) of 'Ming Dai', 'Wu Tang'(吳塘) of 'Qing Dai'(淸代) and 'Yun Shu Jie'(?樹珏) of 'Min Guo'(民國). 'Wan Quan' is an advocate of 'You Yu, Bu Zu Zhi Shuo'(有餘, 不足之說)of 'Xiao Er Wu Zang'(小兒五臟) that he revealed Qian's 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng'(五臟辨證). 'Wu Tang' disclosed Qian's 'Xiao Er Ti Zhi Shuo'(小兒體質說) and 'Xiao Er Ke'(小兒科)'s 'Yong Yao Lun'(用藥論), therefore, he uncovered pediatric physiological characteristics through the advocate of Qian's 'Zang Fu Rou Ruo, Ji Gu Nen Qie, Yi Xu Yi Shi, Yi Han Yi Re' (臟腑柔弱, 肌骨嫩怯, 易虛易實, 易寒易熱). 'Yun Shu Jie' developed intrinsic relationships among time, symptom and 'Tian Ren Xiang Ying Guan'(天人相應觀), What 'Qian Yi' stated about them. And also, he developed Qian's 'Di Huang Wan'(地黃丸), 'Xie Qing Wan'(瀉靑丸), 'Yi Huang San'(益黃散) clinical usages as well. 10. Regarding Qian's 'Wu Zang Xu Shi'(五臟虛實), it has an influence on 'Zhang Yuan Su'(張元素)'s 'Zang Fu Bing Ji Bian Zheng'(臟腑病機辨證). 'Di Huang Wan', 'Xie Qing Wan', 'Xie Xin Tang'(瀉心湯), 'Yi Huang San', 'Xie Huang San'(瀉黃散) are the standard prescription of 'Wu Zang Bu Xie'(五臟補瀉). It is under the influence of Qian's treatment. Besides, 'Qian Yi' took a serious view of 'Xiao Er'(小兒)'s 'Pi Wei'(脾胃). 'Qian Yi' had an impact on 'Li Dong Yuan'(李東垣) one of the member of 'Bu Tu Pai'(補土派). 'Di Huang Wan', which placed great importance on 'Bu Yi Shen Yin'(補益腎陰), had a great impact on 'Da Bu Yin Wan'(大補陰丸) and 'Jin Yuan Si Da Jia' as well. 11. In a theory of Qian's 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', though it had been stated clearly in 'Wu Zang Bian Zheng', but he neglected in 'Liu Fu Bian Zheng'(六腑辨證). In prescription field, The problem with the medicine is that it is either toxic or mineral, therefore, we are not able to use those medicine in a clinical testing at the present time.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Marine Environment & Safety
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• v.18 no.2
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• pp.95-100
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• 2012

This study was determined to analysis marine environmental and phytoplankton monitoring in Wando coastal waters in August during the period of 2009-2010 and provided the basic environmental data against Southwest Sea of Korea. In August, 2009, the distribution of water temperature and salinity showed an unique characteristics for all of stations, which was associated with a long duration of rainfall after July, 2009 and a lack of sunshine. In the lower of August, 2010, the stratification of water temperature and salinity was shown, which was caused by an intensive sunshine after the middle of August, 2010. Gangjin Bay and Gogeundo waters showed a highly different water temperature and transparency. It is thought that two regions have a distinct water mass and characteristics. In dissolved oxygen and oxygen saturation were higher according to higher water depth regardless of stations. In August, 2009, different dominant species occurred that Gangjin Bay showed a higher cell density of diatom, but Gonyaulax polygramma played an important role in dominant species in Gogeundo waters. It is associated with the introduction red tide water of G. polygramma occurring to southern coastal water in August, 2009. In August, 2010, diatom was extremely higher cell density compared with that of dinoflagellate that regarded as adaptive microrganism against higher quantity of suspended solid in Wando waters. Although Wando has a record of Cochlodinium red tide, this species may be difficult to grow and persist. Dominant species, diatom, play an important role in food organism for shellfish and forming a ecological lineage.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.4
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• pp.174-191
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• 2021

Gangdo (江都), a reproduction of Gaegyeong, was the capital of Goryeo for 39 years. However, due to the urgent wartime situation of the Mongol invasion and the geographical features of Ganghwa Island, the castle system and palace layout were somewhat different from those of Gaegyeong. Gangdo's castle can be understood as a triple castle system consisting of outer castle, middle castle, and inner castle. First, the outer castle was the first to be completed, and it was built at the forefront to prevent the Mongol army from invading in the first place. It is presumed that the section was between Huamdon and Hwadodon in the outer castle during the Joseon Dynasty. The middle castle can be seen as the present 'Middle Castle', a castle built of earth on the outskirts of the Ganghwa-mountain Castle. Considering the sophistication and robustness of the construction method confirmed in the archaeological research, this castle is thought to have been built under a meticulous plan. In other words, as the capital city, it was completed 'at last' as recorded in the Koryo History, after a long 18-year construction process to protect palaces, government offices, and private houses. The inner castle was a castle with the character of a palace. This corresponds to the Old Castle of Ganghwabu (江華府) during the Joseon Dynasty, and it almost coincided with the scale of the composition of Gaegyeong's palace castle. It was a complex functional space, featuring the integration of the palace and the imperial castle, where the main government offices and ancillary facilities, including the palace, were located. Based on the documentary record that these palaces were similar to Gaegyeong's palace, the palace map was overlapped with that of Gaegyeong. The central axis of the building from Seungpyeongmun (昇平門) to Seongyeongjeon (宣慶殿) coincided with Kim Sangyongsunjeol Monument in Ganghwa- Goryeo Palace. Therefore, it seems that the palace of Gangdo had the same basic structure as that of Gaegyeong. However, the inner palace and annexed buildings must have been arranged in consideration of the topographical conditions of Ganghwa, and this is estimated to be the Gunggol area in Gwancheong-ri.

• The Korean Journal of Nuclear Medicine Technology
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• v.25 no.1
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• pp.21-28
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• 2021

Purpose Brown fat, or brown adipose tissue (BAT), is involved in non-shivering thermogenesis and creates heat through glucose metabolism. BAT activation occurs stochastically by internal factors such as age, sex, and body mass index (BMI) and external factors such as temperature and environment. In this study, as a retrospective, electronic medical record (EMR) observation study, statistical analysis is conducted to confirm BAT activation and various factors. Materials and Methods From January 2018 to December 2019, EMR of patients who underwent PET/CT scan at the National Cancer Center for two years were collected, a total of 9155 patients were extracted, and 13442 case data including duplicate scan were targeted. After performing a univariable logistic regression analysis to determine whether BAT activation is affected by the environment (outdoor temperature) and the patient's condition (BMI, cancer type, sex, and age), A multivariable regression model that affects BAT activation was finally analyzed by selecting univariable factors with P<0.1. Results BAT activation occurred in 93 cases (0.7%). According to the results of univariable logistic regression analysis, the likelihood of BAT activation was increased in patients under 50 years old (P<0.001), in females (P<0.001), in lower outdoor temperature below 14.5℃ (P<0.001), in lower BMI (P<0.001) and in patients who had a injection before 12:30 PM (P<0.001). It decreased in higher BMI (P<0.001) and in patients diagnosed with lung cancer (P<0.05) In multivariable results, BAT activation was significantly increased in patients under 50 years (P<0.001), in females (P<0.001) and in lower outdoor temperature below 14.5℃ (P<0.001). It was significantly decreased in higher BMI (P<0.05). Conclusion A retrospective study of factors affecting BAT activation in patients who underwent PET/CT scan for 2 years at the National Cancer Center was conducted. The results confirmed that BAT was significantly activated in normal-weight women under 50 years old who underwent PET/CT scan in weather with an outdoor temperature of less than 14.5℃. Based on this result, the patient applied to the factor can be identified in advance, and it is thought that it will help to reduce BAT activation through several studies in the future.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.32
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• pp.31-76
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• 2019

Lee Sang-ho published Jeungsan Cheonsa Gongsagi (Records of the Holy Works of Celestial Master Jeungsan) in 1926. Then, after complementing the book with additional materials, he published Daesoon Jeon-gyeong in the form of a religious scripture. Since then, Daesoon Jeon-gyeong has been expanded to a sixth edition which was published in 1965. The Haengnok of Daesoon Jinrihoe's The Jeon-gyeong, which was published decades later than Daesoon Jeon-gyeong describes Sangje's whole life year by year in five chapters starting from his descent to the human world all the way to his passing into heaven. It comprehensively contains the essential contents of other chapters from The Jeon-gyeong. This paper was written for the following three goals: first, to study the contents of Haengnok that summarize Sangje's life. Second, to see how its contents are related to descriptions from the other six chapters. Lastly, to discuss how certain verses have been changed from the way they appeared Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. When we compare these two scriptures, there are some verses that are found only in the Haengnok section of The Jeon-gyeong. For example, the verse that explains how Sangje's family name 'Kang' originated and how his ancestors came to live in Gobu area is described only in The Jeon-gyeong. The origin of the family name Kang is considered important because he descended into the world as a human bearing the family name Kang, and it is included in his official name that represents his divine position. Also, unique to The Jeon-gyeong are verses such as those describing "Samsin San (the three holy mountains) in the area where Sangje descended to and verses about the historical change of place names in the areas where Sangje lived. These verses have great significance in terms of their mystical aspects within Daesoon Thought. Secondly, the record about Sangje's Holy Works at Siru Mountain in The Jeon-gyeong is not found in Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. The Holy Works at Siru Mountain are important because they provide proof of Sangje's major activities during the period between his 3-year travel around the country and his Cheonji-gongsa (Reordering Works of the Universe). Next to be observed are some changes in verses that can be seen when comparing The Jeon-gyeong to Daesoon Jeon-gyeong. Of particular impostance here are the story of Sangje's Holy Work called 'King in White Cloth and General in White Cloth' and the description of Sangje's passing into heaven. Both records contain key changes that distinguish The Jeon-gyeong from Daesoon Jeon-gyeong.