• Journal of the Korean Professional Engineers Association
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• v.19 no.4
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• pp.22-29
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• 1986

1) The recipe for tea is to mix tea leaves or tea buds with odorous pharmaceuctial materials, which are boiled and drunk, addition of honey only to that odorous pharmaceutical meterials without adding tea buds to that can be used. 2) Viewed from the part of tea plant the fruit of it accoupies most. The cereal does as much. 3) what we have referred to from the records on this subject are "Guogapylyong" which is of the yuan dynasty and "Jeungbo-Salymkeongje" which is of the Yi dynasty, based on which no trace of pure tea can be found but odorous pharmaceutical kinds of tea only were widely spread. 4) The characteristics of tea are to help make stomach strong, mind cleared, the lungs copious, counteract, and quench thirstiness. The tea help build liver as well as bring about health. 5) As a result of sense test, those kinds of tea were much better than contemporary kinds of teas as far as flovor and sweetness are concerned. Those teas had complex tastes, while teas of to day have simple one. 6) Because the history not so clear before the periods of Unified Sila that the recordings of teas are rare, we can hardly know about tea. Our ancestors really began to drink teas from the period of Unified Sila on. This country turning to the Koryo dynasty, tea drinking manner began to prevail so much that drinking tea became a ceremony. Daring the Yi dynasty it was much camplicated to make and boil the leaf tea. As a result of the previous fact pure tea came to have disappeared and odorous pharmaceutical became prevailent. 7) For value of exploiting Kungjuk tea (ginger tea seasoned with phyllostachy and addition of honeyl) was the highest among many. The worth of developing all the teas among all the beverages was regarded as that high of 51%, while even the tea regarded as worthless obtained 4％ of support, which is the lowest.

• Human Ecology Research
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• v.60 no.2
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• pp.273-287
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• 2022

(K)Hanbok, which is Korea's traditional clothing, differs from the Chinese Hanfu or Japanese Kimono. This study aims to understand the fundamental differences between (K)Hanbok and Hanfu. The Goryeo Dynasty (K)Hanbok, which was particularly popular in China, was established because the Ming Dynasty Hanfu and Chinese fashion were considerably influenced by the 'Koryo Yang'. Firstly, while (K)Hanbok is bulky, Hanfu of the Han Dynasty is characterized by forming a slim silhouette. Due to the climate of the Northern Hemisphere, (K)Hanbok shows a rich silhouette comprising multiple layers of inner pants and a pleated skirt over a voluminous underskirt. On the other hand, the Han's Hanfu creates a straight silhouette in the form of a wrap, revealing the contours of the body. The pleated skirt of the (K)Hanbok can use six to twelve width fabrics, depending on the social position; however, the Hanfu of the Han is a skirt without any pleats. Secondly, the clothing patterns, which have various shapes, are totally different in how they are made and sewn. The Korean (K)Hanbok is a two-piece separate, whereas the Chinese Hanfu style is a one-piece with a skirt. The short length of the (K)Hanbok jacket has a Sup which is cut and pasted allowing the front closure to overlap. Nevertheless, the Hanfu of the Han does not have this Sup because it is of a wrap-around, one-piece style and has an exceptionally large front, and wraps around at the waist which extends to the sides. Thirdly, the (K)Hanbok jacket has separate string Gorums for fastening, and an additional belt around the waist; however, in the case of Gorum, it is unnecessary for a wrapping style of Hanfu. Fourthly, Koreans as an agricultural horse-riding people, basically wore the trousers attached a comfortable gusset, while the Chinese Hanfu had no pants, but the Chinese wore Gaedanggo pants which exposed the hips, inevitably during the Warring States period.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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• v.6 no.2
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• pp.1-7
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• 1982

Baik-Eui is the white clothes and Korean typical way of wearing, Baik-Eui was used by the over 80$\~$90 percents of people, which proves that Baik-Eui was the very clothes of common people. Moreover, even King himself in Koryo Dynasty is said to have worn white clothes when he was out of official hours. And wearing Baik-Eui was regarded as polite manners among the noble men in Yi Dynasty in spite of strict prohibitions of wearing it. That fact proves that it was loved by Korean people in general. Baik-Eui can be found its origin from many peoples of North East Asia in ancient time. Some say that wearing Baik-Eui is considered as a kind of worship of the sun, or purity of Korean people. But from the economical point of view, Baik-Eui was primitive in it's color. It means that their clothes were made from original clothes, not dyed. This study on the social reasons affecting to Baik-Eui, they are summarized as follows; 1. This Baik-Eui had been originated from the ancient economical and rigid circumstances of society. Everlasting poverty and diprivation of joy in life of Korean naturally made them have inclination of wearing it 2. Also common people were restricted in their choice of dress color by government. Even rich could not wear a colored clothes except the dyes permitted by them. 3. Socially, People wore white clothes through various kinds of ceremony, among which funeral was the most important. As we had the large family system, and usually the funeral at that time was longer in its period than now. Thus, Korean got accustomed to wear whit clothes more and more.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.43
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• pp.243-258
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• 1999

This is a study of CHOK-DU-RI(族頭里) a black crown-like headpiece worn by woman on formal occasion in Chosun Dynasty and has succeeded until now. CHOK-DU-RI was originated by BOKTAK worn by Mongolian noblewomen and inflowed to the last period of Koryo dynasty under occupation of Yuan. The documentary records of O-JU-YON-MUN-CHSNG-JON-SAN-KO( by Lee Kyu-kung CHUNG-JANG-KWAN-JON-SUH by Lee Tock-mu and KO-SA-TONG by choe Nam-sun verify CHOK-DU-RI is a custom of mongolian fusion that was affected by KO-KO of Yuan and was formed. Ko-Ko is the same as BOKTAK. It is assumed KO-KO is a borrowed name as its transcription varies. The name was given according to its appearance which is certified by the record CHANGCHUN-CHIN-IN-SEO-BANG-YU-RAM-KI. It says that it can be simply named KO-KO as its edge is alike ad goose or a duck. In addition KO-Ko was called CHOGTAI in case of being added a camel fur that is JUGDUR. CHOGTAI similarily pronounced with CHOK-DU-RI which of being added a camel fur that is JUGDUR, CHOGTAI similarily pronounced with CHOK-DU-RI which provd CHOK-DU-RI was originated in Mongol. The shape of BOKTAK is very high and wided toward the top with the top with the angle getting more pointed and a feather stuck on the side. But its height got lower and its size smaller as it did gradually Koreanized to a CHOK-DU-RI. The use of CHOK-DU-RI has been settled since the last period of Chosun Dynasty. It came to stay as a popular custom when King Young-jo and Jong-jo wanting to do away with the corrupt practice of KA-CHE encouraged women at that time to do their hairs with CHOK-DU-RI instead of KA-CHE. It is as follows the classification of CHOK-DU-RI. First classified by a use group is divided into ceremonial use such as the seven treasures CHOK-DU-RI and jeweled CHOK-DU-RI. Hereby it is assumed that CHOK-DU-RI was used regardless of fortune. Secondly it varies by its type of frame. There are SOM CHOK-DU-RI OHT CHOK-DU-RI and O-YOM CHOK-DU-RI a kind of SOM CHOK-DU-Ri formed a base of O-YOM-MO-RI. The third group by jeweling has WHE-BONG CHOK-DU-RI and TA-BONG-CHOK-DU-RI JEwele CHOk-DU-RI can be still seen being commercially lent and worn by the brides at nuptical ceremonies performed in tradition of fashion and when worn bya bride as she gives her parents to her parents-in-law.

• Journal of Korean Library and Information Science Society
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• v.49 no.4
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• pp.373-404
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to investigate the overall situation related to the engravings included in Buddhist scriptures produced in the Goryeo Dynasty. at the wooden board in Hae-in Temple(海印寺)'s ${\ll}$Hwa-eomgyeong(華嚴經)${\gg}$ are Ju-bon(周本) 80sheets(5sheets duplicates), Jin-bon(晉本) 12sheets, and ${\ll}$Ye-sugyeong(豫修經)${\gg}$ 44sheets, and There is a print of ${\ll}$cheon-tae-eun-sa-han-san-seub-deug-si-jib(天台隱士寒山拾得詩集)${\gg}$ at Songgwang Temple(松廣寺). Also ${\ll}$Uhjebijangjeon(御製秘藏詮)${\gg}$ included in the Koryo period Chojo Tripitaka is the Emperor $T{\grave{a}}iz{\bar{o}}ng$ of $S{\grave{o}}ng$ Poetry collection owned by Japan's Nanzanji(南禪寺). In each book from volume 1-20(volume17 is not there), there were 5 sheets of engravings and most of them are located in the same locations (1,5,9,13,17). And than 50 engravings that are contained in volume 1-10 are used repetitively in volume 11-20. In Volume 21 that corresponds to appendix, 3 engravings. This has a big value in that this is a Booljeondo(佛傳圖) of the fastest period that was made in Korea. In Chapter 3, we looked at the publications of the Goryeo Dynasty by century. We have confirmed that among 19 types of the 12 kinds of printed materials.

• The Journal of Korean Medical History
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• v.25 no.2
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• pp.121-136
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• 2012

The purpose of this paper is to derive the features of cold damage clinical medicine during the early days of the Chosun(朝鮮) period by analyzing discussions on cold damage published in the official medical book of the Chosun period, Compendium of Prescription from the Countryside(鄕藥集成方, CPC). Cold damage was one of the typical diseases in East Asia where there was constant seeking of the utilization of prescriptions, ways of preparations, and awareness regarding cold damage as shown in Zhang, Zhongjing(張仲景)'s Treatise on Cold Damage Disease(傷寒論, TCDD) below. Traditional Korean medicine which possessed the medical universality of East Asia also was no exception and through an analysis of the part on cold damage in CPC, it is expected that medical features of cold damage in Korea passed down from the Koryo(高麗) Dynasty to the early Chosun period will be revealed. For this, first there needs to be an organization of past discussions on cold damage surrounding the existence of infection and after checking the issues, exploring which of the writings related to TCDD and editions are being utilized through an analysis on citing literature of Cold Damage Disease Literature(傷寒門) and Heat Pathogen Disease Literature(熱病門) which have developed discussions on cold damage in CPC. In addition, by comparing Peaceful Holy Benevolent Prescription(太平聖惠方, PHBP) and Complete Record of Sacred Benevolence(聖濟總錄, CRSB), known to have greatly influenced CPC and Cold Damage Literature and Heat Pathogen Disease Literature, features of form and content used by CPC were analyzed. Features of form were examined through pattern of organization and number of citing literature were examined and for features of content, cold damage infection, classification, syndrome differentiation method, and utilization of materia medica among prescriptions were examined. Discussions on cold damage as being uninfectious as stated in Treatise on the Pathogenesis and Manifestations of All Diseases(諸病源候論) unlike pestilence, epidemic pathogen(時氣), warm pathogen disease(溫病), and heat pathogen disease were excluded in PHBP. PHBP opened the possibility of cold damage infection and later writings, CRSB and CPC also follow this. As a result of analyzing citing literature of the part on cold damage in CPC, it is uncertain which edition of TCDD is being utilized; however, the most distinctive feature was that Classified Emergency Materia Medica(證類本草) and not writings specializing in cold damage are in use. In general, although CPC in terms of form is similar to CRSB, content creation predominantly depended on PHBP. More specifically; first, in terms of the existence of cold damage infection, arguments of PHBP and CRSB are maintained. Second, in terms of cold damage classification, although CRSB is followed, heat pathogen disease is classified separately developing PHBP as is. Third, in terms of method, as Book of Keep Healthy(南陽活人書) and CRSB compiled in later times are cited, it is deemed that arguments were raised to a certain extent regarding six-meridian syndrome differentiation(六經辨證). Fourth, although the majority of utilized materia medica among cold damage prescriptions utilize Materia Medica from the Countryside(鄕藥本草) in CPC and materia medica from Korean Peninsula, this is due to the desire for the compilation performance of CPC to be propagated to ordinary citizens and not the ruling class. CPC as the official medical book compiled in the early days of the Chosun period was greatly influenced by the Song(宋) Dynasty's medical books, PHBP and CRSB shows that cold damage medicine in the early Chosun Period indeed possesses the medical universality of East Asia. Furthermore, the features of published medical theory and prescriptions reveal the existence of the cold damage medical tradition of the Chosun period serving as clues for cold damage research tradition among Korea's medical history.

• Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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• v.33
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• pp.117-142
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• 1997

This study is on perfume case that is one of a great number of ornaments which was designed by out ancestors. We had developed the tradition and the history of perfume case bag fan-weight etc. These have the same function as the present perfume. case. There were basket-shaped perfume cases which were the smellest one among the personal girdle ornaments in the silla era. The various patterned perfume case were made of gold metal coral platinum or green jadeite etc. In the single-crop trinkets a embroidered perfume bag with the gold and silver thread whose forms perfectly match their functions appeared during the Yi Dynasty. There was also a perfume bag which was one of the daily necessities. A precious "jul perfume" was carried by noble women. A fan-weight perfume bag was attached to the fan to emphasize the intrinsic beauty of utility and function. It is necessary to know the function of prefume case. As perfume case is weared on the clothes it was given more decorative effects as well as the function of medicinal amulet with a sweet smell. Therefore it is very important for us to study perfume case that has various function as an ornament. So The purpose of this study is to investigate the practical and decorative side of perfume case with the general examines of perfume finding how to practice use through our life. The results were as follows; 1. The first use of perfume is perfume through smoke which is for ceremony of religion It removes human body odor by degrees and spreads a sweet odor. Also the materials for making perfume of early age is aromatic plants which will be used flour-made flowers stems. As the materials for making perfume use is increasing today we can invent alcohol perfume today 2. Our country the custom of perfume-used is wide. Among them men's perfume-used was very special phenomenon. For example men were wearing perfume bag in the Silla era. Because perfume represented wealth and noble in those days. They shew off social position personality through perfume-used. 3. One of early religion ceremony article there was the perfume. And perfume case was means for containing perfume. Gradually the perfume case was used widly as increasing needs of perfume in human life. 4. In the middle period of 'Koryo' Dynasty perfume cases had a close relationship with clothes but after Mongolian has been attacked 'Koryo' there were changes in wearing clothes therefore the position of perfume cases were transfered to coat string that was the origin of decoration style that they began. That is to say the perfume case has been influenced the position of perfume case shapes with changing of fashion. 5. The perfume case has been made manifest various function as an ornament. In the practical side First medical-perfume in perfume case has been played an important role in first-aid medicine in critical condition. Second it was amulet for self protection. That is the shape pattern color materials perfume of the perfume case was represented the amuletive nature. Third it was used as substitute article of perfume. Modern women use liquid-perfume as our ancestors used perfume case bag or jul perfume As started above. Also In the decorative side the perfume case has a beautiful formative arts by itself as well as a close relationship with clothes. That well as a close relationship with clothes. That is when the perfume case is worn on the clothes costume is showed aesthetices. That is the materials shapes color pattern of the perfume case we can see the visual beauty also the materials colors embroidered pattern knots tassel that are used the perfume case are increased the decorative beauty of costume. Sixth the symbol in pattern of the pattern case is shown ancetor's wealth and rank health longevity immortality many-born-boy in those days. Today the perfume case is not used with changing of costume by degrees, Accordingly I hope that the result of this study is an influened in devlopment of the perfume case design with matching the modern fashion.

• Journal of Korean Public Health Nursing
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• v.18 no.1
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• pp.39-49
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• 2004

The purpose of this study was to investigate the effect of moxibustion heat therapy(Koryo hand acupuncture) on menstrual cramps. dysmenorrhea and ADL. The experiment was carried out during the period from March 24 to April 30, 2003. The subjects in the study were drawn from female students attending two colleges in Chungcheongbuk-do and Kyunggi-do. Of all those subjects. 19 and 14 subjects were assigned to the experimental and the control groups respectively. The moxibustion heat therapy were performed three times a week, subjects were treated twice a time. Data was analyzed using SPSS/WIN10.0 by $x^2$test. Wilcoxon sign rank. and Wilcoxon rank sum test. The result of this study were as follows : 1) After moxibustion heat therapy. the graphic rating score of menstrual cramps was decreased significantly from 7.79(SD=1.22) to 4.47(SD=2.25) in experimental group(z=-3.731. p=.000). And there was significant difference in the change of graphic rating score of menstrual cramps between both groups(z=-3.637. p=.000). 2) After moxibustion heat therapy. the score of face rating scale of menstrual cramps was decreased significantly from 3.95(SD=0.71) to 2.32(SD=1.00) in experimental group(z=-3.457. p=.000). And there was significant difference in the change of face rating score between both groups(z=-2.713. p=.007). 3) After moxibustion heat therapy. the score of adjective labor pain rating scale rank (ALPRS) of menstrual cramps was decreased significantly from 23.63(SD=4.19) to 17.27(SD=6.34) in experimental group(z=-2.941. p=.001). But there was no significant difference in the change of adjective labor pain rating score(ALPRS) of menstrual cramps between both groups(z=-1.918. p=.059). 4) After moxibustion heat therapy. the score of dysmenorrhea was decreased significantly from 7.0(SD=2.89) to 5.26(SD=3.54) in experimental group(z=-2.183. p=.029). But there was no significant difference in the change of the score of dysmenorrhea between both groups(z =-1.555. p=.125). 5) After moxibustion heat therapy, the score of ADL difficulty was decreased significantly from 33.26(SD=4.58) to 28.83(SD=9.44) in experimental group(z=-3.552. p=.000). And there was significant difference in the change of score of difficulty of ADL between both groups(z=-4.110. p=.000). The above finding indicated that the moxibustion heat therapy showed a practical effect on reducing menstrual cramps, dysmenorrhea and ADL difficulty in female. Accordingly. we can adopt the moxibustion heat therapy as a useful intervention in the community nursing.

• Journal of the Korean Society for information Management
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.53-78
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• 1988

The purpose of this study is to verify the factors determining core journals in a field based upon the results of the citation analysis of the journals in the field of Korean History(KH). In order to verify the determinant factors, dividing the articles of the KH journals into their novelty and author's seniority, the following hypotheses were established. Hypothesis 1: When a KH journal publishes more articles on prehistoric and ancient eras than others, the journal will have higher chance to be included in the core journals. Hypothesis 2: When a KH journal publishes more articles by senior researchers than others, the journal will have higher chance to be included in the core journals. To achieve the purpose, the cited articles found in the two sample journals, namely, Backsan Hakbo and Hanguksa Yongu were analysed during the past 20 years from 1962 to 1981. Applying the Hirst's Discipline Impact Factor method to the the study, Historical Science Impact Factor(HSIF) on the samples itself and the historical era dealt with in the articles and the seniority of the authors during every five-year period. Based upon thr present study to ver~fy the two hypotheses, the following conclusions have been reached. 1) Tht. most influencing sublect mattcr era or1 thix liSIF of the lo~lrual is arranged in prehistoric arid ancient, Koryo, Chosun, recent era, and the others by order of era. 2 ) Clial~g~~lg a fringe or semicore journal u~to a core j ~ u r n a l , very IISIF' 011 it> article e r a 1s grown up arrd prcllistoric a ~ ~ d ancierlt era:. are, s p c c ~ a l l ~ , incr.eased high relatively. Char~ging a core journal int:~ a fr~ngr or semicort. journal, t.very IISIF ti dropped and prel~istc~ric and ancieut taras arc, fallen sharp relatively. 3) The most irlflr~encin~ s~niority 011 the t1SII- of ihc journal I. the senior.., written or1 prehistoric and ancient eras. Above all, the senilir'b HSIF olr prehistoric anti anclent e r a s a r e most ~nfluencing the cliangi~rg of the core journal into the fringe ur bemicore. .i) flypothesis fl is no1 vcrif~ed i r t general. T l ~ e rt, lative connections bet wee^^ the senior's HSIF 011 each era and tht, ~ l ~ a l ~ g i t l g of the tort. ji1ur.tia1 arc \:er~fied in part hut r~ot in the wliole. 5) 'The reason why the 11SIF or1 prehistori~. arid ar~cic~nt e r a s is higl~er than others can be assumed becaltic the new <, xcavations a r r contit~ued actively i l l the prrsr.llt as to the relics arid remains or1 that eras. Accordingly, the HSIF' r i l l thr 11ew 3ubject matter l~ke arcl~acmlogy trends to grow up greatly. Bctween the senior's and juriior's JISIE', junior'.; is higl~er than s., nior's except ancient e r a . That reason can be assumed bccausr Iunlorb t r j to solve the ex~sting problems thr~urglr their ow11 new viewpoints and sights. So, i t should be studied whether the 11SlF on the artic1t.s of the new subject matters and viewpoirrts is influenced to the changing of the core jorlrnal or not.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.46 no.1
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• pp.140-159
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• 2013

The wooden stupa of Hwangyongsa temple - which was designed and constructed by master craftsman Abigi of the Baekje Dynasty during the Silla Dynasty between the 12th year of Queen Seondeok (AD 643) and AD 646 - can be regarded as a typical Korean wooden stupa. However, it was destroyed by fire during an invasion by the Mongolians in AD 1238 during the Koryo Dynasty. In spite of progress in research for the restoration of the wooden stupa, there are some remains to be re-considered in regard to ruins, relics and literature previously discovered. In particular, research conducted on frame construction and structure can be considered an important basis for restoration. However, previous studies seem to have not attempted to establish structural and formative characteristics of the wooden stupa based on the indigenous techniques and styles of traditional Korea, but general characteristics of the wooden stupa biased toward cultural interchange with neighbouring countries. As such, in this study the frame construction and structure of the wooden stupa of Hwangyongsa temple were analysed and considered in detail based on the re-interpretation of literature which can be a clue about the structure of the stupa, related ruins of the 7th century period, and previous studies. As a result, this paper supposed and presented a model picture for the plane arrangement of pillars, structural methods for Dwibburi (뒤뿌리) of Haangjae (하앙재), Shimju (심주), and other key areas. The author hopes that this study contributes substantially to research on the wooden stupa of ancient Korea and to the establishment of construction and structural methods.