• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.22 no.5
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• pp.253-264
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• 2004

The objective of this study was to investigate the change of the level of the performance of family rituals and socialization of them, and to compare the change of the attitudes between daughter and mother generation. Research data were collected in 1992 and 2002 from families living in Seoul. Housewives and university students from these families completed the questionnaires. Major findings were as follows: Most of the family performed the birthday parties, traditional rituals, and memorial days. The level of the performance of the birthday rituals, and rituals from western culture has increased for a decade. The socialization of the following family rituals is increasing: banquets for parents' 60th birthday, wedding anniversaries, employment ceremony, commencement ceremony. There was significant difference in the attitude between younger and older generations regarding performance of the family rituals between 1992 and 2002.

• Journal of Families and Better Life
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• v.21 no.5
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• pp.41-50
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• 2003

The purpose of this study is to investigate the level of the socialization of family rituals and compare the attitudes between the younger and the older generation. Research data were collected in 2002 from households living in Jinju. The subjects of this study were college students and their mothers. The results of this study were as follows: The socialization of the following family rituals is increasing: the first birthday party, banquets for parents' 60th birthday, wedding anniversaries, employment ceremony, and commencement ceremony. There was significant difference in the attitude between younger and older generations regarding performance of the family rituals.

• The Journal of the Korea Contents Association
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• v.16 no.12
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• pp.622-635
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• 2016

The purpose of this study is first to examine the tendency in what kind of activities and difficulties are carried out as family rituals. Second, the study was to investigate the effects of family rituals on family strengths. To accomplish study purpose, 216 married women/men were asked to fill out the survey questionnaires. For analysis of data, SPSS Win program was used to perform Frequency Analysis, MANOVA, Multiple Regression Analysis. (1)In the dinner rituals, it turned out that a main activity was 'serving homemade food' and a majority of subjects had a difficult time establishing a regular ritual due to 'their busy schedule at work'. In the weekend leisure rituals, a main activity was 'paying a visit to suburbs' and a main difficulty was 'lack of mutually available time for all family members'. In the birthday rituals, a main activity was 'preparing a birthday cake' and a main difficulty was 'because family members forget their birthday'. In the wedding anniversary rituals, women's main activity was 'eating out' and men's main activity was 'give a partner to a flower or gift', and a main difficulty was 'because family members forget their birthday' and 'because it was not a wanted celebration'. Finally, in the traditional rituals, women's main difficulty was 'partner doesn't understand my difficulties' and men's main difficulty was 'trouble human relationships with relatives'. (2)The family rituals were significantly different according to the age. (3)'Closeness of family members', 'task performance and problem solving skills' and 'sharing a value system of family members' were affected by the family rituals.

• Journal of Family Resource Management and Policy Review
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• v.10 no.1
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• pp.17-32
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• 2006

This essay has attempted to document the actual behavior patterns and the social networks related to the child delivery in the pre-industrial Korean society. We interviewed 30 women who had given birth to their first child during the 1930s and the 1940s in order to accumulate data related to son-prayer rites, prenatal care and food avoidance, sacred-string culture, and other incantation rituals. The characteristics of the social relationships with the person who had assisted the delivery and the recovery were also analyzed in terms of kinship networks. The results are as follows. First, there was a big gap between knowledge and the actual practices in birth rituals and customs. We assume that this is due to the adverse social-economic conditions at that time which may have restricted the actual performances of these customs. Second, there were almost no differences of the performance of these' birth customs between the urban areas and the rural areas. Third, the people who assisted the delivery were women who were mostly from the husband's family. Help from the wife's family were quite exceptional. Finally, it has been found out that only about half of the women who were interviewed performed the well-known custom of three-week after-birth confinement.

• Journal of Korean Theatre Studies Association
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• no.40
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.

• Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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• v.36 no.8
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• pp.77-93
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• 1998

Have elderly parents parted with parental role after the children were grown up? If they still have, what kinds and degrees of parental responsibilities endured? Do they actively perform the role? Do they satisfy to engage in parenting? The main purpose of present study explored these questions conceming rural old-aged families using data of 143 elderly parents aged 60 years and above. The results indicate that elderly parents perceived parenting adult children to be very important, regarding themselves as househeads to teach family members how to integrate together. The results also demonstrate that elderly parents performed parental role actively in teaching family rituals and providing emotional support. The elderly parents also report that they were fairly satisfied with involvement in adult children's lives. Our findings suggest that further in-depth research is required in eliciting the role parameters of elderly parents based on our social and cultural changes. In addition, it is encouraged to examine the adult children's expectation of their elderly parents for renegotiating and restructuring parent-child relationships when both are adults.

• Korean Journal of Hospice Care
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• v.5 no.1
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• pp.42-49
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• 2005

To determine which are the culturally specific factors of Korean bereavement, this chapter focuses on the view of death and the traditional mourning process which reflect Korean values and norms. The formation of the Korean view and understanding of death has been strongly influenced by three of its major traditional religions: Shamanism, Buddhism, and Confucianism (Park:1994: Hao:1999) and Christianity more recently. Each religion has a different view of death and the appropriate expression of mourning. Korea accommodates funeral customs and rules strictly as a cultural system and has retained these traditions over a long period; hence, some of the traditional funeral rituals still remain in modern Korean life, although some of the rites have been simplified. We have looked at the various ways in which grief and mourning is displayed and shared in a collective manner over a long period of time. This fits in well within the other Eastern cultures that are collectively organized, and contrary to the Eurocentric models do not hastily seek to detach the living from the dead and recognize that grief is a long process, and different individuals may take different amounts of time to recover from the grief. The view of death and bereavement in Korea has sprung from the roots of three Korean religions, together with the recent addition of Christianity, although they mainly result from the three earlier religions. The beliefs of these religions are still closely linked together in the rituals of Korean bereavement on both conscious and unconscious levels. The influence of these religions is evident in practice through the bereaved family's mourning reactions, funeral rites and customs and its views about death. Korea used to have a period of mourning for three years, following traditional mourning rites; then the chief mourner and the bereaved families could return to their normal life. In spite of this long mourning process for the bereaved family, once the funeral ceremony is finished, people expect the bereaved family not to express their grief in public; even the bereaved family does not like to talk about death. The process for bereaved people is related to mourning processes in terms of detachment from the deceased in order to start a new life. Relatives and the community recommend the performance of the kut ceremony for relieving the grief of the bereaved. When one family member dies in an unlucky way, the bereaved family may have some fear or other psychological reactions of grief such as pain, depression, insomnia and nightmares, hallucinations or other physical reactions. Unlucky deaths give the bereaved a very painful time and these types of reactions are often more serious than reactions to natural death. But through the kut ceremony, the bereaved family can start to make a new relationship with the deceased. The taboo of this type of death and death generally remains a crucial aspect of the isolation that bereaved people might face and the collective nature of mourning(even where it is still present) is unable to address this aspect of the privatization of grief.

• Korean journal of food and cookery science
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• v.24 no.6
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• pp.801-810
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• 2008

The principal objective of this study was to assess Korea's traditional ritual food culture, and to compare two types of ancestral rites the Hyang-Sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites which were held in the Daegu and Andong regions of Korea. In this study, we describe the performance of the Bool-cheon-wi rites held by two head families located near the Andong area namely, the head family of Seoae Ryu Seong-Ryong(1542-1607)(Seoae) who was well-respected for his writings and personality, and the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji(1412-1456)(Dangye) who was well-known and famous as one of the members of the Sa-ryuk-sin. This research was conducted via diredt engagement in these memorial services and several interviews with the families. The results were summarized as follows; Foods used in the Hyang-sa rites including Mae(bap), Kook, Jaban(Jogee), Po(dried fish), Juck, boiled and seasoned vegetables, fruits, confections, and liquor. Jobap and Ssalbap were used as Mae at SD(Seo Dalsung), and PMPH(Pahoi Myogul Habin Park) used Jo, Hyunmy, Pi and Susu in the raw. The dishes on the table were arranged as follows. A wine cup was placed in the first row, Po(a dried pollack), and jujube and nuts in the second row, Ryukpo(slices of dried beef), Sangeogogi were set at the third row, and Soegogi, pork, Mu, and Minary were placed in the fourth row, and the head of the pig was placed in the center of the table at SD. A wine cup, Soegogi, and pork were positioned in the first row, Mu, Minary, Pi and Susu were placed in the second row, and Jogee, Jo, and Hyunmy were placed in the third row at PMPH. The sacrificial foods offered for Bool-cheon-wi rites were as follows; Mae(bap) Kook noodle Jogee Tang(stew) Po Juck Tucks boiled, seasoned and salted vegetables Jeon fruit confectioneries liquor(chungju). The head family of Seoae Yu Seong-Ryong utilized 5 types of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, seafood stew), whereas the head family of Dangye Ha Wee-Ji utilized 3 kinds of Tang(meat stew, fish stew, vegetable stew). As a basic Tuck, Shi-roo-tuck(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 25 layers, was primarily utilized. In particular, Jung-Gae(Seoae's favorite food) was placed on the table. For grilled-meat food(Juck), Yu's family used raw meat and Ha's family the half-cooked meat. The main types of Jucks used were meat-Juck, fish-Juck, chicken-Juck, and these were not served one by one. Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites have an the educational function, in that they allow for the carrying out of filial duties by a heartfelt performance of performing the ceremony, by taking great care from the pre-rite preparations to the post-rite period. In addition, these rites have various meanings, as events that strengthen the ties of blood relations of ancestors and themselves, and to promote and harmonize family friendships, they may also have religious meaning in the culture, as prayers are offered that all the family's descendants may be blessed, live long and enjoy abundance whlie respecting their ancestors. As for the role of Hyang-sa and Bool-cheon-wi rites in today's nuclear family society, it can be said that these rites remain especially important as a method to strengthen community consciousness by fostering an understanding of the meaning of existence itself, and thus inspiring the roots of consciousness.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.22
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• pp.93-121
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• 2011

This article is concerned with the withdrawal of the compositional principle of Jinogigut which has been performed in Seoul and the identification of its meaning based on the withdrawal. Jinogigut is a world where a god is connected to humans in complicated manners, this world and the world of the dead coexist, and it is a process of demonstrating that the dead, who have stayed in the world of humans, enter the world of a god. Jinogigut shows the process of leading the dead to the world of the dead one after another. First, the god-centered street is continued, and the gut displays through which process a god will guide the dead to the world of the dead. Next, is a human-centered street, which exhibits the appearance of the dead heading to the world of the dead following the death angel, more in detail. Finally, a human-centered structure shows how humans enter the world of the dead. Through this repetition, it reveals that the dead take a seat in the world of the dead, at last. The organization of the later part of the world of the dead-oriented gut in Jinogigut, which is god-centered, continues to a human-centered gut through the meeting between a god and humans. and , which are continued, followed by , are ceremonial rituals that confirm the dead entering the world of the dead without any problem. Begareugi shows that the entering of the dead into the world of the dead was completed with perfection by cutting hemp cloth, and informs the living that the dead expressed gratitude for holding the ritual for him/her by appearing at the venue of the gut once again and that the dead settled into the world of death. , which finally holds ancestral rites to the god of ancestors who is seated in the world of the dead, reveals that the dead, who had been a human, has been transformed into the god of ancestors through Jinogigut. Jinogigut also performs the function of comforting a client (who is the family of the dead) of the gut, who has faced a sudden death in his/her family. What is the most important for consoling the client is to display that the dead has entered the world of the dead without any problem. Jinogigut shows this process through a three-layered structure. It exhibits how the dead would be moved to the world of gods, as well as the safe entering of the dead who followed Jeoseung-saja(envoy from the world of the dead) and who had appeared to this world from the world of the dead. Then, it demonstrates again the appearance of the dead entering the world of the dead following Barigongu; thus, it placates the heart of the client's family.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.62
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• pp.223-243
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• 2013

Value collision takes place in the news organization at times. The concept of social responsibility has been serving as the raison d'$\hat{e}$tre not just of individual reporters but eventually of journalism in general. But when the organizational interests are at stake, more realistic values contributing to the organization often override the normative values. This phenomenon occurs since there exists a clear discrepancy between the nominally highlighted values and the virtual values of press owner or news organization. Focusing on Chosun Ilbo, this paper tries to identify the values a news organization really underlines and pursues, and explores the nature of organizational culture embedded in these values. In specific, this study analyzes such performances as ceremonies and rituals, regular or occasional, in Chosun Ilbo, since these are cultural practices which produce and circulate particular meanings and values forming the basis of organizational culture. According to this study, 'strong unity' is the core value which the owner family in Chosun Ilbo has ever been spotlighting. As long as the strong unity is stressed, the role playing as members of news organization for its interest is more highly regarded than carrying out the normative missions given unto the journalists in general.