• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.4
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• pp.96-116
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• 2022

The Daebodan was an altar, which held a memorial service for emperors of the Ming dynasty. This alter, which was referred to as Hwangdan, was first constructed in 1704. When the Japanese Invasion of Korea commenced in 1592, Shinjong, the emperor of the Ming dynasty, sent reinforcements to Josun to help. This alter was made to repay Shinjong's kindness. Before this, Song-siyeol(宋時烈), Leader of Noron(老論), made a shrine at Hwayangdong to hold memorial services for Shinjong, and after some time, this developed into a national ceremony. Construction of the Daebodan largely changed the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. However considering the construction process, the meaning of the Daebodan was not a big deal. At first, the optimal place for the Daebodan was selected at the site of a inner icehouse. But the inner icehouse could not be transferred to other site due to the circumstances. After all, the Daebodan was constructed at the site of Byeoldaeyeong(別隊營) which was located in the outside of palace. Most of the stones for the new Daebodan were used ones. And the annexe of Byeoldaeyeong was used for Daebodan without any changes being made. The scale of the construction was not particularly grand. After the construction, Sukjong, who made the Daebodan, showed barely any interest in it. But the conception of the Daebodan was back again in the history by Youngjo. He was also not interested in the Daebodan during his early years of ruling time. However, in the 1740's, he started to become interested in the ceremony of Daebodan, and carried out a large-scale reconstruction of the Daebodan. Jegigo(祭器庫) was rebuilt In 1739. And Jaesil(齋室), staying one night before the ceremonial day, was added in 1745. In 1749, the Daebodan was greatly changed by enshrining Uijong and Taejo, emperors of the Ming dynasty. The shape of alter was changed. Moreover this alter was made by newly quarried stones. And several buildings, Junsachung(典祀廳), Jaesaengchung(宰牲廳) and Akgongchung(樂工廳), were added to the site. In 1762, meritorious retainers were enshrined to the Daebodan. After all the Daebodan became an important part of the backyard of Changdukgung-palace. During the reign of Jungjo, the Daebodan also was an important part of backyard of Changdukgung-palace. But significant changes were not made at that time. The only change was the moving of Kyungbonggak(敬奉閣) in 1799. Afterward the Daebodan remained unchanged. The ceremonies at the Daebodan stopped in 1908. And the Daebodan disappeared into the mist of history.

• Journal of Popular Narrative
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• v.26 no.1
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• pp.135-174
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• 2020

The article focuses on the student activism experience of the 1990s and 2010s and on the accumulation of everyday experiences created by the conditions of the 2010s against the backdrop of differences in how the composition of 'we' is portrayed in oral narrative. What stands out in the 90s oral narratives on student activism experiences, which were compiled in the 2010s, is the distancing of the culture of student activism at that time. In the words of speakers who experienced university life in the 1990s, the culture of student activism at the university was created through private relationships, and was, needless to say, considered 'natural'. At the same time, however, the 'natural' is said to be 'abnormal' or 'strange' in the context of the 2010s in which it is being talked about, and is meant to be an experience with a certain distance from the present speakers. This aspect is associated with the conditions under which the experience of the 90s is being described in the 2010s. The present, which explains past experiences to speakers, was explained after the 2016 candlelight protest and Gangnam Station femicide protest, and is described as a world that is qualitatively different from before, and is located as an opportunity to create a critical distance from past experiences. This qualitative change, which raises suspicions about the homogenous "we", is based on a newly acquired sense of gender sensitivity, living since the mid-2010s, when gentler issues were the biggest topic in Korean society, among others. In the 2010s, the composition of 'we' is no longer understood as a community of people who share any commonality, but as individuals who unite despite numerous differences. This reveals the experiences of those who have already embodied this in their everyday senses in the 2010s. The 'we' they formed should have nothing to do with private relationships, nor was homogeneity considered the most prominent group, so it was nothing that could explain the 'me' at the time of the demonstration and outside of the venue. It was in that context that the relevant experience was described in a cautious manner throughout. This, in turn, raises the need to ask and understand a new sense of student activism and, moreover, social movements and the sense of unity as 'we'. It should also be asked who is the main body of the movement and what is the use of asking it. Soon, the need and meaning of defining the fixed identity of 'we' in the movement should be questioned. Therefore, it should be asked what fixed positions or coordinates can really represent someone's position.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.39
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• pp.393-413
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• 2019

As one of a shaman song to reveal features of the byeolsin rite, East Sea coast, Gyeongbuk, Korea is matgut have been discussed for a long time. The rite is held to greet other shamans who were invited by a village resident and the highest shaman to perform the rite. When there is no highest shaman in the village, or when the highest shaman lacks the ability to perform the exorcism, other shamans are invited if a person is required to meet the scale of the rite, which is a rite of passage to verify their abilities and to become a community, even while the byeolsingut is held. The best shaman team, or village Pungmul team, and shaman team, When the strings are between them, they play music and struggle with each other, and the strings are lifted, they greet the god of the game at the altar, and the shaman turns around and plays with the field. However, the process of greeting the shaman at the exorcism rite after 2000 and the procedure of "Paggi-bogi" in which shamans take turns singing songs are disappearing. In addition, although the village Pungmul team has participated in the rite as a welcoming party for the shaman team, the purpose of the rite, which is to greet the shaman, is also being tarnished by leaving the role of the village Pungmul team to the outside team. This is due to changes in the villagers' perception of gut and shaman. As in the old days, it was necessary to greet a shaman as a rite of worship, although it was not necessary to confirm its ability to perform the rite of the village, due to the disparity of status. However, after the shaman has been transformed from a 'mysterious' existence into an intangible cultural asset functional owner, the perception of shaman changes and the village confirms the shaman's ability through an intangible cultural asset certificate. In addition, the number of villagers who know the details of the rite is decreasing, and most of the tasks such as preparation and proceedings of the rite are delegated to the shaman to hold the byeolsingut, and the nature of the exorcism of the exorcism is changing.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.4
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• pp.1-17
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• 2018

This study was conducted to interpret the landscape of Songge Byeoleop(Korean villa) garden at Jogyedong, Bukhansan near Seoul which was built in the mid 17C. to restore through the literature reviews and field surveys. The results were as follows; Songge Byeoleop garden was a royal villa, constructed at King Injo24(1646) of Joseon dynasty by prince Inpyeong(麟坪大君), Lee, Yo(李?, 1622~1658), the third son of King Injo who was a brother of King Hyojong. It was a royal villa, Seokyang-lu under Mt. Taracsan of Gyendeokbang, about 7km away in the straight line from main building. It was considered that the building system was a very gorgeous with timber coloring because of owner's special situation who was called the great prince. The place of Songge Byeoleop identity and key landscape of the place were consisted with Gucheon waterfall and the sound of the water with multi-layered waterfall which might be comparable to the waterfall of Yeosan in China. After the destruction of the building, the place was used for the royal tomb quarry, but there was a mark stone for forbidden quarry. The Inner part of Songge Beoleop, centered with Jogedongcheon, Chogye-dong, composted beautifully with the natural sceneries of Gucheon waterfall, Handam and Changbeok, and artificial structures, such as Bihong-bridge, Boheogak, Yeonghyudang and Gyedang. In addition, the existing Chinese characters, 'Songge Beoleop' and 'Gucheoneunpog' carved in the rocks are literary languages and place markings symbolizing with the contrast of the different forests and territories. They gave the names of scenery to the rock and gave meaning to them. Particularly, Gucheon waterfall which served as a visual terminal point, is a cascade type with multi-staged waterfall. and the lower part shows the topographical characteristics of the Horse Bowl-shaped jointed with port-holes. On the other hand, the outer part is divided into the spaces for the main entrance gate, a hanging bridge character, a bridge connecting the inside and the outside, and Yeonghyudang part for the purpose of living. Also in the Boheogak area, dual view frame structures are made to allow the view of the four sides including the width and the perimeter of the villa. In addition, at the view point in Bihong-bridge, the Gucheon water fall divides between the sacred and profane, and crosses the Bihong-bridge and climbs to the subterranean level.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.3
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• pp.56-71
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• 2013

This study was carried out to investigate the construction background of multi-functional vacant grounds in the rear gardens of Kyeongbok Palace and Kyeongun Palace, by understanding the building history of multi-functional vacant ground during the Joseon Dynasty with a special reference to the places formed in the period of King Kojong. The multi-functional vacant grounds in the Palace were the important element from the political aspect of Joseon Dynasty, and became an infrastructure of a state - run organization. The vacant space between Kwangyeonlu(廣延樓) and Haeonjeong, the whole region of Yeolmujeong(閱武亭), Seochongdae(瑞蔥臺), and Chundangdae(春塘臺) were investigated as the multi-functional places, where the events were held for the royal family in the Changdeok Palace after the establishment of the Joseon Dynasty. Various events such as the archery competition, official examination and military training were held at the places. After the inauguration of King Kojong, Kyeongmudae(京武臺) was made in the process of the reconstruction of the Kyeongbok Palace. The Kyeonghee Palace was used as the off-palace rear garden after the year that King Kojong returned to the Kyeongun Palace. The characteristics of two spaces were to apply the space organization of the Changdeok Palace into the rear garden outside of Sinmumun(神武門), Kyeongmudae at Kyeongbok Palace and the pedestrian overpass was established to connect the spaces efficiently in Kyeonghee Palace. Especially, the multi-functional vacant ground in the rear garden during the period of King Kojong functioned as the place to show off the internal and external independence of a nation and to show the authority and dignity of King at the point of time that accelerated the plundering Joseon Dynasty by Japanese imperialism powers, beyond the meaning of national event space that had existed before, such as official examination or archery test. In addition, the fact that the multi-functional vacant ground used as training place for military exercise where many people were mobilized was considered to reflect the contemporary situation.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.55 no.1
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• pp.223-242
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• 2022

The main purpose of this study is to find out the meaning of structural changes that appeared in the royal tombs of the Joseon Dynasty after the application of a compound lime-mortar(Sammulhoe三物灰: the mortar with lime, sand, ocher). In the early Joseon Dynasty, the royal tomb was constructed by following the system of the stone chamber tomb in the Goryeo Dynasty. However the system of the stone chamber tomb recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀: The five category's formalities in the Joseon Dynasty)』 is very different from that in the Goryeo Dynasty. The biggest difference is that a compound lime-mortar was applied into the system of the stone chamber tomb in order to attempt structural reinforcement. This change reflects King Sejong's willingness to build a dense structure in which water does not permeate the stone chamber when Yeongneung(英陵) was built in 1446(the 28th year of King Sejong's reign). Yeongneung is a complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall. After constructing a stone chamber, the 1.2m(4尺) thick wall with a compound lime-mortar is additionally constructed outside the stone chamber structure. In 1468(the year of King Yejong's accession), according to the will of King Sejo, the stone chamber system was abolished and the Hyeongung(玄宮: the chamber enshrining a coffin of the deceased king or queen consort) was constructed only by the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar. This change become a primary cause for the royal tomb to be constructed as Hoekyukneung(灰隔陵: the royal tomb with chamber constructed only by the thick wall with compound lime-mortar) in the late Joseon Dynasty. The Hoekyukneung in the late Joseon Dynasty has been constructed with the method of structure and construction for the thick wall with a compound lime-mortar since the complex structure recorded in 『GukJo-OReYi(國朝五禮儀)』. The Hoekuykseoksilneung(灰隔石室陵: the complex structure consisting of a stone chamber and compound lime-mortar wall) is unique tomb style of Joseon Dynasty and become a motive of tomb system(Hoekuykneung) in the late Joseon Dynasty.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.27
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• pp.1-34
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• 2016

This paper aims to understand how Daesoonjinrihoe perceives the Later World. Daesoonjinrihoe supports to establish an earthly paradise through the re-creation of the real world unlike other religions which tend to relegate ultimate fulfillment to the afterlife. In other words, Daesoonjinrihoe endeavors to achieve their objectives in the human world rather than outside of it in a potential act of escapism. The new religions in Korea have been characterized by ethnocentrism and doctrines which present Koreans as the new chosen people by emphasizing Korea's crucial role in world leadership. However, the doctrine of Daesoonjinrihoe differ with other new religions of Korea in this regard as its purpose is to redeem the whole world. Daesoonjinrihoe proposes an open embrace of the religious diversity found in Korean society. Daesoonjinrihoe argues that the Later World has not come yet, even though the Former World is over and progress towards the Later World has already been set in motion. The meaning of human nobility is akin to anthropocentricity. According to a variety of myths and legends, animals and supernatural often attempt to become human. Moreover, it would not be an overstatement to assert that the re-creation of the real world and the Daesoon concept of human nobility correspond with these myths and legends. There were not definite interpretations regarding heaven in Confucianism historically, yet Daesoonjinrihoe differentiates clearly that heaven and Sangje are cosmic structures. Buddhism perceives that heaven separately exists as a cosmic structure and that Buddha is a transcendental entity, however; that entity is not accessible for intercession. On the contrary, the ways to save the world have been adduced in Daesoonjinrihoe. In addition, the earthly paradise of the Later World has likewise been introduced. Specifically, it is Sangje that opens the door to that paradise. Unresolved issues in the formation of a world view still persist. There are no shortage of studies on the notion of gods or divine beings, however; most of these studies focus on genealogical classification, forms, functions and other such topics. The concept of god, ghost, or soul does not seem to have been clearly defined in these studies nor has the relationship among these entities and humanity been satisfactorily examined. For example, if human beings become either gods or divine beings, questions regarding divine beings who have acted as protectors or guardians of human beings then arises. The Daesoon cosmology should be specifically compared to cosmology in Daoism. By conducting additional studies such as a comparative research with Daoism, it will be possible to interpret mantras and Daoist art as they appear in Daesoonjinrihoe in a thought-provoking way which can in turn be compared with other religions.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.42 no.2
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• pp.86-109
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• 2009

Mireuksa Temple was founded during the reign of King Mu of Baekje(AD 600-641). The circumstance of the construction of this temple is documented in "Memorabilia of the Three Kingdoms (Samgukyusa)". The pagoda named stone pagoda at Mireuksaji temple stands outside the main sanctuary of the western area. The south and west sides of the stone pagoda have completely collapsed, leaving only the eastern facade of six of its levels intact. Through the recent discovery of sarira reliquary we can see that the erection of this pagoda was in 639. So owing to accumulation of excavation results about Baekje temple site and vigorous academic exchange, it is possible that architecture of western pagoda at Mireuksaji temple can be understood in connection with the architectural development of wooden pagoda from 6th to early 7th century in East Asia. So this study is on the consideration of building of this pagoda putting first structure of upper part and cross-shaped space in 1st floor. It was considered that the material characteristics as stone could be applied to the temple pagoda architecture of large scale. The results are as follows. First, it had been built in recognition that the outer and inner part of pagoda should be separated. As it is the expression of structural system in temple pagoda architecture of large scale at that time. In pagoda there was a self-erected structure and the members of outer part of it were constructed additionally. Second, in Mireuksaji stone pagoda there is central column with stones. With inner part of pagoda it can be regarded as mixed structural system that constitutes central contral column and inner structural part. And it could be a kind of middle step to more developed structure of whole as wooden pagodas in Japan. Third, as the sarira reliquary was in central column on the first floor, the cross-shaped space could be made. The formation of this space was so on the natural meaning of sarira that the concept as memorial service of graves could be apllied to the pagoda. The style of tomb in Baekje was expressed to the space of 1st floor in pagoda where Sarira had been mstalled. That was not only effective presentation of symbolic space but also easier method in the use of same material.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.49 no.6
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• pp.80-92
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• 2021

Mount Tai, with an elevation of 1,532 meters, has a reputation as 'The Most Revered of the Five Sacred Mountains(五嶽獨尊)', despite not being the highest mountain in China. The literati of the past dynasties created a multitude of works based on the landscape of Mount Tai. Traditional literature is a part of national culture that directly reflects the national characteristics and styles, and is an important part of humanities, which can be linked to landscapes. The purpose of this study is to investigate the landscape elements and characteristics of Mount Tai by analyzing the landscape types and elements and the Kernel Density, Mean Center and Standard Deviational Ellipse of the landscape elements appearing in the representative poems of traditional literature. The research results of this study are summarized as follows. First, Mount Tai is a scenic spot dominated by human activities, different from the natural landscape of prior research related to scenic spots. Second, among the landscape elements of Mount Tai, the importance of "sunrise", "cyan", "towering" and "majestic", "Divine Dragon" is confirmed, symbolizing the hope, brightness, vitality, national stability and prosperity represented by Mount Tai, which can explain the leadership position of Mount Tai. Third, it can be found from the poems about Mount Tai that various landscape elements were embodied in belief (the behavior of gods or emperors) in the Pre-Qin, Sui and Tang dynasties, while in modern times, landscape elements are shown by action (climbing and looking far into distance), so it can be said that the landscape elements have changed from belief landscapes to experience landscapes. Fourth, the spatial distribution of landscape elements in the past dynasties was widely distributed in the Daiding(岱頂). Approaching the modern times, the mean center moved from south outside of Mount Tai to the summit of Mount Tai, and the spatial distribution changed from a widely scattered distribution to narrow linear distribution centered on Mount Tai. The present study is of great significance to provide key factors or spaces for future landscape protection and restoration of Mount Tai.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Landscape Architecture
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• v.42 no.6
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• pp.60-71
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• 2014

In this study, on the assumption that the urban park originally is imbued with a public welfare ideology, said public welfare ideology and its characteristics were attended to among the various social roles that the urban park currently fulfills. Aspects of welfare meaning in urban parks were attempted to be identified with the former history of urban parks and the movements of the connections between modern parks and welfare territories. The ideologies, benefits and practices regarding the welfare role that the urban park has played from the past to the present were examined and the backgrounds and contexts within which the welfare ideologies have been expressed in the urban park were examined. In order to examine the implicated public welfare ideologies of the urban park, case studies were conducted to identify how they are expressed and practiced in the present times and the facilitation of these parks and public welfare both in the U.S. and the South Korea. The study results of the cases show that expressions of public welfare in urban parks are composed of more specific and visible programs and strategies in the present times, which are different from the simple proclamatory ways in the past. Particularly, in order to visibly practice a public welfare ideology, many-sided integrated designs are conducted along with various public welfare institutions and programs inside and outside of the urban park. The conclusions from this study are as follows. First, the urban park plays a role as a space to realize public welfare ideology, to create welfare benefits and to realize social welfare. Modern urban parks are used as an indicator to measure the actual conditions of social welfare and are a social environmental commodity that can offer universal benefits to urban residents. Second, many-sided integrated designs are tried along with various public welfare institutions at urban parks, which visibly practice public welfare ideologies in the present. In addition, public welfare institutions greatly influence the consistent development of the resources in the urban park. Third, if the detailed utilization of the regional facilities infrastructure could be brought along with multidimensional approaches about the resources in the urban park, it could be much closer to the lives of residents and could secure a space for increasing resident quality of life.