• Title/Summary/Keyword: the eternal Name

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Kongzi's 'the Rectification of Name(正命)' and Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name(非常名)' - Laotzu's Tao and Saussure's Linguistics: an exact meeting - (공자의 '정명(正名)'과 노자의 '비상명(非常名)' - 노자의 도와 소쉬르의 언어학: 제대로 된 만남 -)

  • Lee, Bong-ho
    • Journal of Korean Philosophical Society
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    • v.148
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    • pp.269-289
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    • 2018
  • This article is designed to help ensure that "Laotzu's Tao and Saussure's Linguisticse's Linguistics" can meet properly. To carry out this project, I asked how to understand Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name(非常名)'. Comparing Kongzi's 'the Rectification of name(正命)' with Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name', The meaning of the two concepts becomes clear. Kongzi's 'the Rectification of name' is political philosophy to restore etiquette through language order. In comparison, Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' refers to Randomness[arbitraire] of the symbol. It shows that the order of languages can be dismantled, and that the structure, norms, and etiquette of society, which are established by language order, can be dismantled. Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' is a logic that defies language as an institution, as a symbolism, and as a logic of disintegration. To illustrate this point, Searsure's Linguistics was brought in for discussion. In Saussure's Linguistics, the arbitrary nature of the symbol is the same as the Lotzu's 'Not the eternal Name'. Three arguments were used to elucidate the logic of the resistance and the logic of Deconstruct of the Language structure. First, I explained that the discussion of 'Name' was not just about 'the name of an object' but about the system, laws and norms of a society. Second, I explained the argument that language order is a social institution and a social structure by taking the words Saussure and Lacon. Third, I explained that 'not the eternal Name' is an important term that reveals the arbitrary and arbitrary relationship between the signifiant and the signifie. These arguments explain that Laotzu's 'not the eternal Name' is the logic of dismantling the language as a system and as the symbolic.

The Upper Thearch of the Nine Heavens (Jiutian shangdi 九天上帝) and The Upper Thearch of Manifest Luminosity (Mingming shangdi 明明上帝) : Research on "Upper Thearch" Beliefs in Contemporary Emergent Religions (九天上帝與明明上帝: 當代新興宗教「上帝」信仰之研究)

  • Lin, Jungtse
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.34
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    • pp.107-139
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    • 2020
  • This paper primarily focuses on the highest deity, the Upper Thearch of the Nine Heavens (officially translated as 'The Supreme God of the Ninth Heaven'), in the Korean new religious movement (NRM) Daesoon Jinrihoe and the true minister of the myriad spirits in the Taiwanese NRM, Yiguan Dao, the Upper Thearch of Manifest Luminosity. As the two both serve as highly representative "Upper Thearch" beliefs in emerging NRMs, I attempt a comparative analysis of the source of these beliefs, their characteristics, and the links that exist between them. On the basis of ancient Chinese classics and Daoist texts, along with Daesoon Jinrihoe's scriptures and works from Yiguan Dao's Canon, I try to understand the distinguishing features of cosmological ideas from both religious movements. For example, because the Upper Thearch of the Nine Heavens could not bear to see the human realm growing ever more disordered and in order to improve worldly conditions, he traveled to the harmonized realm of deities, and therefore descended into the world to make a great itineration and enlighten the people through his teachings. In the end, he came to Korea and was reborn as Kang Jeungsan (secular name: Kang Il-Sun) in Gaekmang Village. In the Human Realm, he spread his transformative teachings to the people which were later became the doctrines of the Virtuous Concordance of Yin and Yang, Harmonious Union between Divine Beings and Human Beings, the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence, and Perfected Unification (jingyeong 真境) with the Dao. Yiguan Dao; however, explains that the source of humanity is the "Heaven of Principle" (Litian 理天), and people are "Buddha's Children of the Original Embryo" (Yuantai Fozi 原胎佛子), created by the Upper Thearch of Manifest Luminosity, who came to world to govern and impart spiritual refinement, before returning to his native place in the Heaven of Principle. Yet, because he became infatuated with the world of mortals, he forgot the path of his return. Therefore, the Eternal Mother sent Maitreya Buddha, the Living Buddha Jigong 濟公, and the Bodhisattva of Moon Wisdom (Yuehui pusa 月慧菩薩) to descend to the human world and teach the people, so that they may acknowledge the Eternal Mother as the root of return, achieve their return to the origin, and go back to the home of the Eternal Mother in the Heaven of Principle. Both Daesoon Jinrihoe and Yiguan Dao refer to their highest deity, the true ministers of the myriad spirits, with the simple title "Upper Thearch." This phenomenon also has some ties to God in the western Biblical tradition but also has some key differences. In investigating the sources of these two deities, we find that they likely took shape during the Yinshang (殷商) period and have some relationship to the Upper Thearch of Chinese antiquity. The questions raised in this research are quite interesting and deserving of deeper comparative study.

A study on the Meaning Contact of ManChwi Pavilion's Place Transmission and Sense of Prototype Landscape (만취정(晩翠亭)의 장소 전승과 원형경관향유 양상)

  • Lee, Seung-Yeon;Shin, Sang-Sup;Kahng, Byung-Seon
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.34 no.3
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    • pp.38-49
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    • 2016
  • This study is based on the assumption that the documentations, and poetry form a basis for undertone of the location and original landscape explored by inference and enjoyment aspects; the significance has been inferred by investigating the original location, relocated location, and the original landscape of Imsil Manchwi Pavilion. The results of the attempted research for locational value, and preservation of the original landscape before and after the relocation of Imsil Manchwi Pavilion is as follows. Firstly, Manchwi, meaning evergreen, was made a pseudonym of KimWi. The name reflects an image two evergreen pine trees facing one another. The poetry form presents the eternal fidelity. In addition, considering the symbolic plant and the meaning of evergreen pine trees specified on the pavilion, the name is derived from the fidelity, longevity of the family, vitality and so on. Secondly, Manchwi Pavilion was founded in the location, known as the snakehead form, that represents the vitality. Snake faces the swallow form over the river, therefore, it connotes the wishes for fidelity and prosperity of the family. Manchwi Pavillion is prostrate pheasant form which is suitable for those who look for a hiding place or place for their study. It is noticeable that the location infers and hand down the efforts on succession for prosperity of the family and the study. Thirdly, it is estimated that Manchwi Pavilion was established between 1572 and 1582; and the relocation was conducted in the late 1880s. Fourthly, although eternal fidelity was presented in Manchwi Pavillion with locational language, the Manchwi Pavillion after its relocation next to KimWi's grave implies the tendency of the changed value: the commemoration of the ancestors, and prosperity of the family. Fifthly, after the relocation of the pavilion, the proportion of the rooms with Korean heating system, so-called'Ondol'has been increased for its best use in all seasons. And its veranda for extension and its verse couplet implies that this connote the original meaning and pursuit of the study. Sixthly, the way that the poetry portrays pine trees, pond, plants, valleys, and streams shows the aspect of enjoyment of the landscapes and the meaning of fidelity, pure mind, free and easy life, self-examination, the frailty of human life. Lastly, despite the difference between tenth poetic language of three Sipyoung and Wonwoon Sipyeong, exploring the landscape based on the analysis on the poetry can be a basis on the maintenance and restoration of the original landscape as the inspiration and the meaning show that Wonwoon Sipyeong maintains the aspect of the author enjoying original landscape.

A Study on the Space Organization and Garden Language of Mongsimjae in Namwon (남원 몽심재(夢心齋)의 정원구성과 조형언어 해석)

  • Rho, Jae-hyun;Choi, Yung-hyun;Shin, Sang-sup
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.47 no.1
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    • pp.32-45
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    • 2014
  • In this study, the characteristics of Mongsimjae in Namwon-si, Jeollabuk-do have been researched focusing on the writings engraved in huge stones and rocks of pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and its formative languages in the garden has been interpreted as follows. Name of pavilion(堂號) Mongsimjae(夢心齋) includes a classical scholar's spirit, refusing to serve two kings and homecoming after resignation from a government office(歸去來) of Songam(松菴) Park Moonsu(朴門壽), an ancestor who has brought to the Juksan(竹山) Park's family again. A pavilion standing beside a lotus pond(蓮塘) built in the reception garden is a gardening facility symbolizing 'Yeondang(蓮堂)' Park Dongsik(朴東式) who built Mongsimjae. The bamboo hill connected to the backyard seems to be relevant to 'Juksan', the family clan of Mongsimjae's owner and this kinds of intention can be found in the bamboos in the outer garden naturally led to inside the garden through the flower beds. The purpose for the western arrangement of the main building and gate contrary to the 'chukjwamihyaug'(丑坐未向; a direction toward to the south-southwest) of the prospect of Sarangchae(guesthouse) is interpreted to naturally attract people's eyes to the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond and to mitigate the sense of closure resulting from the huge stones located in the reception garden. Also the writing engraved in the three huge stones, 'Jonsimdae(存心臺)', implies that it is a place where was selected with heart by Juksan Park family who settled down in Homsil, Namwon after 'Haengchon(杏村) Park Jaryang(朴子良)' in Yiphyangjo(入鄕祖), Namwon and 'Jeongwa(靖窩)' is interpreted as a signature representing that it is the most comfortable house where Jeongwa Park Haechang(朴海昌: 1876~1933), the third owner of Mongsimjae, has lived. The pavilion standing beside a lotus pond of the 'Bangjibangdo(方池方島; square pond and square island)' type has no lotus for now and waterside cornerstones roughly piled with broken stones naturally mitigate the slope. There are two water inflows gathering rainwater in the reception garden other than the water inflow of valley and the upper-side water inflow was built using a high waterfall method. The middle island cut into a square was designed to use in two ways, as 'island' or 'steppingstone', according to the water level and the old name of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond was revealed as 'Cheonundam(天雲潭)' from the engraved writing located in the side of the middle island. In addition, 'Imni(臨履)', engraved writing in the finishing stone of waterside by citing a line of 'Sigyeong(詩經)', implies 'Be a upright classical scholar who pays close attention to one's own behaviors' and 'Jeongchuk(渟?)' is interpreted as a message that desires the eternal staying of the Juksan Park family's wealth. Ultimately, the writings engraved in the huge stones and rocks of the pavilion standing beside a lotus pond are interpreted as a symbol language that wishes the heaven protects and maintains the wealth of the Juksan Park family who is the owner of Mongsimjae.

A Study on the Formation and Landscape Meaning of Noksan in Gyeongbokgung Palace (경복궁 녹산(鹿山)의 성립과 경관적 의의)

  • Lee, Jong-Keun;So, Hyun-Su
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.38 no.4
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    • pp.1-11
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    • 2020
  • Noksan is a green area in the form of a hill located inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, unrecognized as a cultural heritage space. This study analyzed the literature and the actual site to derive its landscape meaning by examining the background for the formation of Noksan and how it changed. As a result, the identity of Noksan was related to the geomagnetic vein, pine forest, and deers, and the following are its landscape meaning. First, several ancient maps, including the 「Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace」 depicted the mountain range continuing from Baegaksan(Bugaksan) Mountain to areas inside Gyeongbokgung Palace, and Noksan is a forest located on the geomantic vein, which continues to Gangnyeongjeon Hall and Munsojeon Hall. On Bukgwoldo(Map of Gyeongbokgung Palace), Noksan is depicted with Yugujeong Pavilion, Namyeogo Storage, office for the manager of Noksan, the brook on north and south, and the wall. It can be understood as a prototypical landscape composed of minimal facilities and the forest. Second, the northern palace walls of Gyeongbokgung Palace were constructed in King Sejong's reign. The area behind Yeonjo(king's resting place) up to Sinmumun Gate(north gate of the palace) was regarded as the rear garden when Gyeongbokgung Palace was constructed. However, a new rear garden was built outside the Sinmumun Gate when the palace was rebuilt. Only Noksan maintained the geomantic vein under the circumstance. However, the geographical features changed enormously during the Japanese colonial era when they constructed a huge official residence in the rear garden outside the Sinmumun Gate and the residence of the governor-general and road in the site of the Blue House. Moreover, Noksan was severed from the foothill of Baegaksan Mountain when 'Cheongwadae-ro(road)' was constructed between the Blue House and Noksan in 1967. Third, the significant characteristics and conditions of the forest, which became the origin of Noksan, were identified based on the fact that the geomatic state of the northeastern side of Gyeongbokgung Palace, the naecheongnyong area in geomantic terms(the innermost 'dragon vein' among the veins that stretched out from the central mountain toward the left side), and they planted pine trees to reinforce the 'ground vein' and the fact that it was expressed as the 'Pine Field' before the Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592. The pine forest, mixed with oaks, cherries, elms, and chestnuts, identified through the excavation investigation, can be understood as the original vegetation landscape. Noksan's topography changed; a brook disappeared due to mounding, and foreign species such as acacia and ornamental juniper were planted. Currently, pine trees' ratio decreased while the forest is composed of oaks, mixed deciduous trees, some ailanthus, and willow. Fourth, the fact the name, 'Noksan,' came from the deer, which symbolized spirit, longevity, eternal life, and royal authority, was confirmed through an article of The Korea Daily News titled 'One of the seven deers in Nokwon(deer garden) in Gyeongbokgung Palace starved to death.'

Thought of ChunChu and a practical solution of Song Joon Kil (동춘당 송준길의 춘추정신과 현실 대응)

  • Kim, Moon Joon
    • The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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    • no.50
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    • pp.37-74
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    • 2016
  • Song Joon Kil(宋浚吉, 1606-1672) intended to establish the subjectivity of people as a "Great Justice". He declared that at that time "Great Justice" was meant to respect 'Ming(明)' and reject 'Ching'(淸). He understood 'Ching' as a country which destroyed the human community and reasoned that if we put Ching's uncivilized behavior out of our mind in favor of the pursuit of present existence and merits, a temporary peace may be got but eternal peace and stability would not be achieved. 'Ming' doesn't refer only to the name of a country, but a country with the capacity to perform 'humanity and justice' with a human culture. On the other hand, he considered 'Ching' to signify the uncivilised country that destroyed or repressed the humanity and peaceful order of the world. He thought the international order can only be maintained under the organization respectful and protective of humanity. He believed a country should act to unify the whole world guaranteeing life and stability. He possessed this cultivated spirit which acted to protect the civilised world from the perils of an uncivilised world. But because of the great famine for a lot of years and the international state(Ming was regressing, and Ching was continuing to make rapid strides) was timely unsuitable to revenge and to wash the shame off. So Song propeled to stabilize the government and to strengthen the national ethics. Song focused on administering the domestic affairs. To him a high priority was a internal affairs, and a low priority was a external affairs[military aggression]. Song considered 'providing for the welfare of the people'(安民) before 'pushing ahead with military aggression'(外攘). And a high priority was 'restoring the people'(養民), a low priority was 'the military affairs'(治兵). Song regarded 'domestic affairs'(內治) as a fundamental affairs. He putted 'to nurse people'(養民) and 'to straighten King's mind'(格君心) first, than 'to buildup military'. His foreign policy was 'respecting Ming' and 'rejecting Ching'. Song was bothered about defining Chosun dynasty's moral obligations to the southern Ming government(1644~46) at Nanjing at that time.

Record management in Great Han Empire (대한제국시기의 기록관리)

  • Lee, Young-Hak
    • The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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    • no.19
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    • pp.153-192
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    • 2009
  • Appearing newly on June 1894, Gaboh regime enforced modern reformation policy. In light of archives' management, it was totally different from before. Government established individual department of record management in every division and proclaimed a legislative bill which was stipulated about record management process. They modified archives' form including peculiar declaration of the name of an era and use together with Korean and Chinese. Also they tried to conserve the original copy of the archives. As King Gojong announced the Great Han Empire(Taehan Cheguk, 大韓帝國) on October 1897, he reinforced Gaboh regimes' weakened royal authority and enforced reformation policy which was designed for himself. First he abolished the administration which restricted royal authority, and established new department called Euijungbu(議政府). To restrain the royal power, he separated the Royal House and government and reinforced Gungnaebu(宮內府). In addition, King Gojong enforced the policy which he can manage directly about troops, policies, and finances. Consequently, He established Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), and made direct belonging of an emperor. Also, department called Naejangwon(內藏院) tried to levy many kinds of taxes directly to build up the financial foundation under the emperor. The record management system of Great Han Empire succeeded to that of Gaboh regimes Times'. First, government and powerful organization directly under the emperor set up the department of record management. Euijungbu (議政府) and governmental department, of course, Gungnaebu(宮內府), Wonsubu(元帥府), Kyungbu(警部), Tongshinwon(通信院), Jikyeahmun(地契衙門) which support the right of an emperor established document division and record division individually. To carry out government's service effectively and systematically, it was considered effective to divide record management department. Moreover, despite the difference between the divisions, they were separated into current record division and non current record division. Generally, document department took charge of acceptance, sending and crafting of current document and archives department was eligible for preservation and compilation of major document and eternal conservation document. This seems to consider life cycle of the record and keep the evaluation of record in mind. Finally, perception for the record management has revealed to modern configuration.