• 대한한의학회지
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• 제34권1호
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• pp.52-68
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• 2013

Objectives: Hyungsang medicine (HM) is an inspection which emphasizes the relationships between pathological patterns and one's facial or bodily shape, color and movement. The purpose of this study was to review previously published study results of the HM. Methods: The authors reviewed a total of 51 HM-related studies published from 2000 to 2012 found on PubMed and various domestic Oriental medicine journals. Each study was classified into theoretical, diagnostic, or treatment-related category. Results: Theoretical studies were mostly based on the Nei-Ching and Dong-Eui-Bo-Gam texts, and dealt with differences in form between types such as masculine and feminine, the five organ image types, the four-type categorization of body essence, vital energy (Qi), mentality, and Blood, Gallbladder and Bladder, the four-type categorization of fish, bird, horse, and turtle types, and the six meridian types. Research on diagnosis has been performed on diagnostic characteristics of HM, correlation between HM and general coordinative manipulation (GCM), and Hyungsang medicine and ante-disease pattern (未病類型). Studies on treatments could largely be classified as treatments for specific diseases using certain acupuncture or herbal prescriptions based on HM. Treatments were mostly evaluated solely through subjective symptom improvement of patients. Conclusions: Our review results suggest that HM-related studies were focused on the constitutional characteristics and clinical utility of HM. To strengthen the theoretical basis of HM and its clinical utility, clinical trials including randomized, treatment-placebo and blind methods are needed.

• 동남아시아연구
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• 제24권2호
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• pp.127-165
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• 2014

This article regards the phase of political confrontations in Thailand and Burma as a prolonged and inconclusive political struggle between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces. It argues that in Thai case, anti-monarchy constitutional revolution has led to a right-wing national revolution based on state nationalism consolidating capitalist economic system by Sarit's military coup, while in Burmese case, anti-British imperialism movement in colonial era has resulted in a left-wing national revolution grounded on state nationalism associating with socialist economic system by Ne Win's military coup. It is also interesting to note that the two cases experienced state nationalism denying autonomous civil society as a process of nation-building in spite of their contrasting ideologies. In both cases, it became inevitable to have national revolution forces clinging to official nationalism and state nationalism confronting with civil revolution forces seeking popular nationalism and liberal nationalism. In particular, unlike Burmese society, Thai society, without colonial history has never experienced a civil war mobilizing anti-colonial popular nationalism including ethnic revolt. This article considers Dankwart Rustow's argument that national unity as a background condition must precede all the other phases of democratization, but that otherwise its timing is irrelevant. In this context, Thai democratization without national unity which began earlier than Burmese is taking a backward step. For the time being, there would be no solution map to overcome severe political polarization between the right-wing national revolution forces defending official nationalism cum state nationalism and the civil revolution forces trying to go beyond official nationalism towards popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism. In contrast, paradoxically belated Burmese democratization has just taken a big leap in escaping from serious and inconclusive nature of political struggle between the left-wing national revolution forces to defend official nationalism cum state nationalism and civil revolution based on popular nationalism cum liberal nationalism towards a reconciliation phase in order to seek solutions for internal conflicts. The two case studies imply that national unity is not a background condition, but a consequence of the process of political polarization and reconciliation between national revolution forces and civil revolution forces.

• 대중서사연구
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• 제25권4호
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• pp.159-190
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• 2019

본 논문은 2010년대 사회적 반향을 일으켜온 사회파 영화의 정치적 무의식에 관심을 두며 해당 시기 한국영화의 사회적 상상력을 살펴보는 것을 목적으로 한다. 실화를 소재로 한 사회파 영화 <변호인>(2013), <1987>(2017), <택시운전사>(2017) 등의 영화는 상식과 정의에 기반한 시민사회의 에토스를 반영하였다. 평범한 소시민이 정치적 올바름을 각성한 후 공적인 공간(법정, 광장)으로 나아간다는 서사구조도 동일했다. 무엇보다 '실화'를 소재로 했다는 것이 블랙리스트 시대의 검열을 피할 수 있는 전략이 될 수 있었다. 이들 사회파 영화에서 법정과 광장은 민주주의를 상징하는 공간이 되었다. 반체제적 저항을 의미하는 광장 정치에 대한 체질적인 거부감이 있던 박근혜 정권기 블랙리스트에 오른 감독이나 제작사의 영화는 제작되기 어려웠다. 그렇기에 이 시기 영화 속 법정은 당시 정권의 검열과 기피의 대상인 광장 정치를 '합법적'으로 재현가능하게 하는 상징적 대리공간이 될 수 있었다. 한편 광장은 점차 '실화'를 표방한 정치영화의 주된 공간이 되어갔는데, 영화 속 재현된 1980년대의 광장은 2017년 관객들이 경험한 광화문 촛불광장으로 이어지며 나아가 이는 '민주주의의 열린 공간'이라는 추상적 광장의 개념에 도달할 수 있었다. 이러한 작품의 기저에는 1980년대의 실패한 민주화 운동의 트라우마를 2010년대 실패한 진보 운동의 트라우마와 동일시하는 심리적 기제가 깔려있다. 본 연구를 통해 2010년대 사회파 정치영화가 '정치적 올바름'과 헌법적 상식을 강조하며 상당한 성공을 거두었지만 블랙리스트 시대의 검열을 벗어난 상상력을 보여주지는 못했던 탈정치적 대중영화라는 한계도 동시에 품고 있었음을 살펴볼 수 있었다.

• Archives of Plastic Surgery
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• 제34권3호
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• pp.383-387
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• 2007

Purpose: A necrotizing fasciitis is a rare, but insidiously advancing fatal soft tissue infection characterized by extensive fascial necrosis. Diagnosis & treatment of this disease are difficult. Necrotizing fasciitis tend to begin with constitutional symptoms of fever and chills. Quite a many lab studies and imaging studies such as standard radiography, computerized tomography can be used, but nothing can confine the extent of affected tissue. Aggressive surgical interventions are often required because of large skin and soft tissue deformity. However, many patients with necrotizing fasciitis are not healthy enough to overcome aggressive surgical intervention. Methods: Since 2000, we treated 10 patients with necrotizing fasciitis. In 4 patients, we used magnetic resonance imaging(MRI) as a tool for diagnosis as soon as necrotizing fascitiis was doubted. We treated patients with delayed coverage with Alloderm$^{(R)}$ & split thickness skin graft or delayed wound closure in as many cases as possible. Results: In 4 patients using preoperative MRI, diagnosis could be made in earlier stage of the disease compared to other patients. Our treatment modality was debridement and coverage with Alloderm$^{(R)}$ & split thickness skin graft. We could reconstruct deformities without significant limitation of movement in 7 cases. Conclusion: We diagnosed and treated 10 necrotizing fasciitis with MRI and Alloderm$^{(R)}$ graft, and results were good.

• 사상체질의학회지
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• 제9권2호
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• pp.39-55
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• 1997

연구 목적 : 동무 이제마는 1984 년에는 '한국문화예술선현(韓國文化藝術先賢)' 50인 중의 한 사람으로 지정되고, 1996년에는 12월이 '이제마의 달'로 지정되어 그의 업적을 기념하였으나, 일부 역사가는 그가 1896년 함경도(咸慶道) 의병장(義兵將) 최문환(崔文煥)을 잡아 가둔 인물이라 하여 그의 업적 평가에 문제를 제기하기도 한다. 이에 본 연구는 1896년 함흥에서 일어난 소요를 중심으로 당시의 시대 상황 및 발생 동기와 경과 과정을 규명함으로써 이 사건에 대한 정확한 평가(評價)를 내리고 이를 통해 이제마(李濟馬)의 사상적(思想的) 연원(淵源)을 연구하는데 단서를 찾고자 한다. 연구 방법 : 본 연구는 먼저 조선 후기의 시대적 배경과 을미의병에 대해 살펴 보고 1896년 (병신(丙申)) 함흥에 서 최문환을 중심으로 일어난 사건을 정부측(政府側) 기록, 의병(義兵)(최문환(崔文煥))측(側) 기록, 이제마측(李濟馬側) 기록, 그리고 직접적으로 관련이 없이 나타나는 기타(其他) 사료(史料)들을 중심으로 비교 검토하였다. 연구 결과 및 결론 : 1896년 2월 함흥(咸興)에서 일어난 혼란은 을미사변(乙未事變)과 단발령(斷髮令)으로 폭발한 을미의병운동의(乙未義兵運動)의 일환으로 최문환(崔文煥)이 중심이 되어 단발(斷髮)을 강요하던 관리(官吏)들을 살해한 사건이다. 이 때 이제마(李濟馬)는 최문환을 붙잡아 가두고 난(亂)을 진압하여 훗날 '의병을 탄압했다'는 비난을 받게 된다. 그러나 당시는 수구(守舊)와 개화(開化)가 충돌하는 시기였으며, 이러한 혼란으로 말미암아 있을 수 있는 원산(元山) 일본군(日本軍)의 공격으로부터 주민(住民)의 안전(安全)을 최우선적으로 보호하기 위한 행동이었다. 이와 같은 행동을 근거로 보아 이제마는 유생의병(儒生義兵)들이 주장하던 위정척사(衛正斥邪)의 주자학적(朱子學的) 문화이념(文化理念)이나 복고주의적(復古主義的) 정치이념(政治理念)과는 다른 사상(思想)을 가지고 있었으며, 내면적으로는 새로운 변화를 추구하고 있었음을 알 수 있다. 향후 한국(韓國) 민족운동사적(民族運動史的) 측면(側面)에서 의병장(義兵將) 최문환(崔文煥)에 대한 좀 더 많은 연구(硏究)가 필요할 것으로 생각한다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제24권6호
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• pp.101-110
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• 2011

There are not a few cases in Oriental medicine where a different prescription should be given to some of the patients whose symptoms are similar to each other. In other words, there might happen a misdiagnosis due to an extremely delicate difference in symptoms of the same diseases, causing a patient's condition to get worse or to be even on the brink of death. In such a context, the records in "WooJam JabJeo(愚岑雜著)" are worthwhile to do in-depth research on. Jang-Taegyung described his first-hand experience in major medical treatment very vivaciously during his ages between 25 and 42. Particularly, most of the prescriptions recorded in this book include not only his empirical prescriptions on the patients who life was almost on the brink of death but it also so plentifully contained the process of overcoming the side effect caused by other clinics' misdiagnosis; thus, that this book is drawing attention in that it could be indispensable materials not only in the research on medical history but also for clinical treatment. Particularly, as regards two cases of insanity, this book mentions the reason for using totally different prescription on one case from the other case even though the two cases had a similar symptom, through which we can acquire somewhat concrete experience in curing scenes though indirectly during the period of the Joseon Dynasty. We were able to get the result from the analysis of the two cases of insanity as follows: 1. WooJam, in treating the two cases of insanity due to the severe exacerbation of yang energy, managed to treat the one case by inducing a bowel movement and the other case by inducing urination. Such a different treatment seems to be greatly attributable to the constitutional factor of the two patients. Such an Oriental-medicine-based method of diagnosis and prescription as WooJam's is rarely found in Western medicine-i.e., that's why more thorough research on Oriental medicine is deeply required. 2. In case of the second patient, the patient arrived at insanity due to another clinic's treatment on perspiration on the patient with severe mouth thirst. This medical story once again highlights the importance of a diagnosis in today's Oriental medicine and at the same time it's a good example showing how big the side effect caused by the abuse of medicinal herbs is. The second patient's body fluids ran dry and finally his yang energy got exacerbated all the more due to the treatment by perspiration.

• 대한통합의학회지
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• 제8권3호
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• pp.33-41
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• 2020

Purpose : Conventional Balance Measurement can only measure the center of gravity and the shaking movement of the body. As a result, it has the disadvantages of not responding to visual changes and blocking functions of variables. This study was carried out to evaluate the performance of new equipment that measures the balance of the body using changes in body segment and pressure using the acceleration sensor to compensate for the disadvantages of the existing equipment. Methods : To this end, balance ability was measured in 43 healthy male/female adults without orthopedic injuries and nervous system damage in the last 6 months. in a situation where the visual information was restricted by Virtual Reality (VR) gear, all subjects measured and evaluated the balance ability utilizing the new equipment. Balance measurement (Prime Medilab, Korea) and Wii fit (Nintendo, Japan) were used to measure the balance ability of the subjects, and the balance ability test was performed in 4 postures using each device for data acquisition. The test duration for each posture was 30 seconds. For data acquisition, the average value of three experiments measured using each equipment was analyzed, and the statistical test was performed using the independent sample and the corresponding sample t-test, and the significance level was set to α=.05. Results : As a result of measuring the balance ability using individual equipment, blocking visual information using VR gear, the average speed, maximum speed, and moving area of the COP increased equally. It was found that the obtained absolute size of the result in Wii was somewhat larger than that of BM. Conclusion : It is considered that in the future research, it is necessary to measure changes in the body's center of gravity through image analysis, etc., to make clear comparison and evaluation of the usability.

• 한국과 국제사회
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• 제1권2호
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• pp.33-84
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• 2017

이 논문은 1970년대 유신체제 시기 박정희 대통령의 집권욕과 폭압성을 주제로 통일주체국민회의의 반민주성, 대통령긴급조치의 위법성, 부마항쟁진압의 폭압성에 관한 사례연구로 구성되어 있다. 즉 유신헌법 제정으로 제도화된 대통령 선출기구인 통일주체국민회의, 대통령이 장기집권을 위해서 대학생과 재야세력을 탄압하기 위한 수단으로 단행한 대통령긴급조치, 그리고 유신체제와 박정희 대통령의 집권욕과 폭압성에 대해 저항하고 폭력에 맞선 부마항쟁으로 되어 있다. 이 사례 분석을 위한 연구방법으로는 인과관계 측면(유신체제의 성립과 붕괴), 법 제도적 측면(유신헌법과 대통령긴급조치), 그리고 행태적 측면(박정희 대통령의 집권욕과 폭압성)을 적용했다. 유신헌법을 통해 제도화된 통일주체국민회의와 대통령긴급조치에 의한 유신체제의 성립으로 박정희 대통령은 집권욕과 폭압성에 의한 장기집권에 집착했다. 그리하여 시대정신과 민주헌정의 기틀을 유지하지 못한 것이 대학생과 시민들의 반체제운동의 일환인 부마항쟁을 촉발시키면서 유신체제가 붕괴되기까지의 과정을 이 논문에서는 고찰하고 있다.