• Title/Summary/Keyword: the North Korean constitution

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The Present Situation of Oriental Health Care in North Korea (북한의 한방보건의료 현황)

  • Kim, Dal-Rae
    • The Journal of Korean Medicine
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.153-176
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    • 1998
  • There are many differences in the present conditions of Oriental Health care and the study of Sasang Constitution Medicine between in North Korea and South Korea. 1. The government of South Korea hasn't supported Oriental Medicine with administrative plans but that of North Korea has supported it positively and made efforts to systematize it. 2. The government of North Korea has considered Oriental Medicine and Western Medicine as mutual supplementary relationship and tried to harmonize them, invested human being and material resources in developing affirmative aspects of Oriental Medicine. That efforts of them made O.M of North Korea developed. 3. In North Korea, they has studied about the principles of O.M. generally in a laboratory. 4. In North Korea, only herbs nation warrant and satisfy standards and fixed orders can be circulated. 5. Because the Sasang Constitution Medicine is opposite to aspect of Materialism, they exclude that from Korean Medicine subjects. They only use them for clinical remedy. But recently, they concern Sasang Constitution Medicine more and more. So also in South Korea, we need to strengthen the political support of the government and the research of laboratory.

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A Study on Human Rights in North Korea in terms of Haewon-sangsaeng (해원상생 관점에서의 북한인권문제 고찰)

  • Kim Young-jin
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.43
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    • pp.67-102
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    • 2022
  • The purpose of this study is to analyze the human rights found in the North Korean Constitution and their core problem by focusing on elements of human rights suggested by Daesoon Jinrihoe's doctrine of Haewon-sangsaeng (解冤相生 the Resolution of Grievances for Mutual Beneficence). Haewon-sangsaeng is seemingly the only natural law that could resolve human resentment lingering from the Mutual Contention of the Former World while leading humans work for the betterment of one another. Haewon-sangsaeng, as a natural law, includes the right to life, the right to autonomous decision-making, and duty to act according to human dignity (physical freedom, the freedom of conscience, freedom of religion, freedom of speech, freedom of press, etc.), the right to equal treatment in one's social environment, and the right to ensure the highest level of health through treatment. The North Korean Constitution does not have a character as an institutional device to guarantee natural human rights, the fundamental principle of the Constitution, and stipulates the right of revolutionary warriors to defend dictators and dictatorships. The right to life is specified so that an individual's life belongs to the life of the group according to their socio-political theory of life. Rights to freedom are stipulated to prioritize group interests over individual interests in accordance with the principle of collectivism. The right to equality and the right to health justify discrimination through class discrimination. The right to life provided to North Koreans is not guaranteed due to the death penalty system found within the North Korean Criminal Code and the Criminal Code Supplementary Provisions. The North Korean regime deprives North Koreans of their right to die with dignity through public executions. The North Korean regime places due process under the direction of the Korea Worker's Party, recognizes religion as superstition or opium, and the Korea Worker's Party acknowledge the freedoms of bodily autonomy, religion, media, or press. North Koreans are classified according to their status, and their rights to equality are not guaranteed because they are forced to live a pre-modern lifestyle according to the patriarchal order. In addition, health rights are not guaranteed due biased availability selection and accessibility in the medical field as well as the frequent shortages of free treatments.

A Study on The Protection Organization for The Chief of State in North and South Korea (${\cdot}$북한의 국가원수 경호조직에 관한 연구)

  • Kim, Doo-Hyun
    • Korean Security Journal
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    • no.1
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    • pp.17-50
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    • 1997
  • I study on the security organization for the chief of state in North and South Korea. The paper, purporting to analyze security system in comparative prospectives, comprise four chapters. Chapter I Which sets out purpose, scope and method, is followed by Chapter II , dealing largely with the power structure on The Socialist Constitution of Democratic People's Republic of Korea, the protection organization and security activities for the chief of state in North Korea. Chapter III concerns the security environment - terrorist groups, firearms, explosives, suspects, movements of hostile countries and orthers - and the protection organization on The Presidential Security Service for the president in South Korea, culminating in projection of certain problem area. It is followed by concluding observation made in Chapter IV. To be operated security systems effectively, these need to be regulated according to a protective scale, function, authority of a existing.

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Medical Education and Certification of Physicians in North Korea (북한 의사 양성 교육과 자격)

  • Lee, Yoon Seong
    • Korean Medical Education Review
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    • v.18 no.1
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    • pp.16-20
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    • 2016
  • Although the state of medicine in North Korea is of great interest, there is little information, if any, about the present state of medicine in North Korea. Even North Korea's laws and regulations on medicine are not publicly available. It is plausible that the dictator's commands or the policy of the Communist Party may be superior to the nation's constitution and laws on medical education and much more. Information is only available from a limited number of publications and mainly from the statements of refugees, which differ greatly among themselves. No one refugee could provide authoritative data or information because they were never in the position to see the larger picture or have experience over the long term. However, what is known is that the major health professions in North Korea include physicians (medical doctors), stomatologists (oral doctors), 'Koryo' doctors (doctors of Korean traditional medicine), midwives, and nurses. The names and the founding year of each of the regular medical schools are listed along with the change and restoration of names of schools. It is known that there have been quasi-physicians and semi-physicians. However, the reasons for any changes that have taken place also remain unknown. The educational system, curriculum, and even the number of years of training needed to qualify to become a physician have varied from time to time.

Awareness Survey on Korean Traditional Festival Food of North Korean Defectors Living in South Korea (한국에 거주하는 북한 이탈 주민의 명절음식에 대한 인식도 조사)

  • Choi, Mi-Kyeong;Kim, Myo-Jung;Kang, Myung-Hwa
    • Journal of the East Asian Society of Dietary Life
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    • v.25 no.4
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    • pp.565-573
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    • 2015
  • The study interviewed 102 North Korean defectors residing in South Korea after completing the Hanawon program through face-to-face interviews. The most celebrated holiday in South Korea was found to be Seollal at 65.7%, followed by Chuseok at 23.2%, Christmas at 7.8%, and Hansik at 1%. With respect to the question of wheather or not North Korea creates a more festive mood compared to South Korea, 33.3% of respondents answered that they felt similar in both countries 2.6% said "yes", they were in a more festive mood in North Korea, whereas 21.6% said "no", and 18.6% said they felt "very different". The most representative traditional food was ranked in the order of rice dishes with kimchi (19.6%), rice cake (11.8%) and boiled rice (8.9%) on National Liberation Day of Korea; rice dishes (17.6%), rice cake (7.8%) and boiled rice (4.9%) on North Korea Constitution Day; and rice cake (57.8%), noodles (9.8%), dumplings (9.8%) and boiled rice (8.8%) on Lunar New Year's Day. In regard to positive recognition about festival foods, "festival food of South Korea has diverse recipes" showed the highest positively in South Korea. The respondents positively recognized that festival foods of North Korea are not sweet, have a unique taste are traditional and have a table setting.

A study of 'the spleen(脾) is the basis of the acquired constitution(後天)' (비자후천지본(脾者後天之本)에 관한 고찰(考察) -오행이론을 중심으로-)

  • Jeong, Hyeon-Seok;Park, Chan-Guk
    • Journal of Korean Medical classics
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    • v.12 no.1
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    • pp.197-224
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    • 1999
  • The conception of 'earth(土)' belonging to the five evolutive phases(五行) is cognized that it is not partial to any side differing from other four phases and it can control other four phases so, it is the first gate to enter the process of changes. In the five organs(五臟), the spleen come under the earth phases and it have been very importantly considered for past to now in oriental medical history, for example by Li Dongyuan(李東垣). In this study, the results are summarized as the followings. 1. The term of the acquired constitution(後天) made by So-ong(邵雍), a scholar in the north so-dynasty, is used in the study of the book of changes(易經). And he said "The inborn constitution(先天) is the law of the nature itself and, the acquired constitution(後天) is the law of making the changes with the nature." In the myung-dynasty Li jungjae(李仲梓) made extract from this remarks 10 define that the spleen is the basis of the acquired constitution. So it considered that the the idea of changes(易) had an effect on the oriental medicine. 2. The one element of five phases, earth is the center of the changes and it composes the power of life with the sangsu(生數)-1, 2, 3, 4, and the sungsu(成數)-6, 7, 8, 9. In this process, the earth is the basis of the changes of the five phases. At the same time the spleen carry out the important physiological role in the humanbody controlling the other four organs. 3. In the change of the universe, the repetitionary movement of Yin(陰) and yang(陽) is the action of earth and it means illimitable division. In the course of this division all things change to new phases for example, the food changes 10 the ki(氣) through the action of spleen and stomach. So the organ of spleen and stomach is the space that the action of change occur. 4. Consequently the conception of bi(脾) is close to the pancreas that the spleen. And the duodenum is close to the conception of stomach because the space is the site of mito(未土). 5. The action of yin and yang in the ancient taegukdo(太極圖) is close 10 the connection of N-pole and S-pole. In the humanbody the two power is compared to the action of spleen and kidney, that means expansion and contraction. Also it means the inborn constitution and the acquired constitution so, it applyed to the all things in the universe.

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Analysis and Prospect of North Korean Legislation System - Focused on the 'Legislation Law' of North Korea - (북한의 법제정(입법) 체계의 분석 및 전망 - '법제정법'을 중심으로 -)

  • Park, Jeong-Won
    • Journal of Legislation Research
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    • no.53
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    • pp.9-59
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    • 2017
  • Recently, the aspect of regulating the legal system in North Korea has increased in quantity and shows the improvement of the evaluation of the lack of systematic consistency in the past. North Korean legislation has been negatively criticized for its lack of function and role of the legislative body and ambiguity of the legal system. In particular, the newly adopted "Legislation Law" in relation to the revision of the legislative system of North Korea contains important and clear contents to understand the legislative system and procedures of North Korea. The contents of the "Legislation Law" can be found a glimpse of the process by which the framework and procedures of the North Korean legislative process are organized more systematically. The North Korean legislation provides legal and institutional grounds for promoting internal and external policies under the Kim jong-un's regime. North Korea is focused on the nuclear issue, so there is limited information on other areas. In light of this, the purpose of this study is to examine the legislative theory and system of North Korea, and outline the theoretical basis of North Korea's emphasis on strengthening socialist judicial life, the socialist legal system, and the state theory of socialist rule of law. In addition, it can be analysed the content of actual legal reform in light of North Korea's legislative theory and system. In the study, it will examine the legislative system of North Korea and its characteristics by examining the legislative process and legislative process of North Korea. Moreover, it can be compared the contents of the Legislative Law of China with the legislative process of the DPRK and examine its characteristics. We will look at the challenges to the legislative system in North Korea and look into the future direction of the legislation. Kim jong-un's announcement of the revised legislation until recently through the publication of the 2016 Supplementary Codes is an important data for the current state of the North Korean legislation. This is because it confirms the content of the laws and regulations already known through "Democratic Chosun(a newspaper issued by North Korea Cabinet)'s statutory interpretation." However, in the case of laws and regulations related to the North Korean political system, it is still a remnant of the lagging legislation that the announcement is delayed, or it remains undisclosed or confidential. North Korean laws are developed and changed according to the changes of the times. In particular, the contents of the maintenance of foreign investment and the foreign economic law system and related internal legal system are found to change in accordance with the development direction of the socioeconomic system. If the direction of Kim jong-un's regime is to be expanded to the path of reform and opening up in the economic sector, the revision of the related laws and regulations will accelerate. Securing the transparency and objectivity of the North Korean legislative process and procedures will help to broaden the understanding of the inter-Korean legal system and to seek institutional measures for inter-Korean integration. In the future, in-depth research on the North Korean legal system will be emphasized as a basis for ultimately forming a unified Korea's legal system.

North Korea's Nuclear Strategy: Its Type Characteristics and Prospects (북한 핵전략의 유형적 특징과 전망)

  • Kim, Kang-nyeong
    • Korea and Global Affairs
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    • v.1 no.2
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    • pp.171-208
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    • 2017
  • This paper is to analyze the type characteristics and prospects of the North Korean nuclear strategy. To this end, the paper is composed of 5 chapters titled introduction; the concept and type of nuclear strategy; the nuclear capabilities of North Korea and the declarative nuclear strategy; the operational characteristics and prospects of the North Korean nuclear strategy; and conclusion. Recently, the deployment of nuclear weapons and the enhancement of nuclear capabilities in North Korea have raised serious problems in our security and military preparedness. Nuclear strategy means military strategy related to the organization, deployment and operation of nuclear weapons. The study of North Korea's nuclear strategy begins with a very realistic assumption that the nuclear arsenal of North Korea has been substantiated. It is a measure based on North Korea's nuclear arsenal that our defense authorities present the concepts of preemptive attack, missile defense, and mass retaliation as countermeasures against the North Korean nuclear issue and are in the process of introducing and deploying them. The declared nuclear declaration strategy of the DPRK is summarized as: (1)Nuclear deterrence and retaliation strategy under the (North Korea's) Nuclear Weapons Act, (2)Nuclear preemptive aggression, (3)The principle of 'no first use' of nuclear weapons in the 7th Congress. And the intentions and operational characteristics of the North Korean nuclear strategy are as follows: (1)Avoiding blame through imitation of existing nuclear state practices, (2)Favoring of nuclear strategy through declarative nuclear strategy, (3)Non-settlement of nuclear strategy due to gap between nuclear capability and nuclear posture. North Korea has declared itself a nuclear-weapon state through the revised Constitution(2012.7), the Line of 'Construction of the Nuclear Armed Forces and the Economy'(2013.3), and the Nuclear Weapons Act(2013.4). However, the status of "nuclear nations" can only be granted by the NPT, which is already a closed system. Realistically, a robust ROK-US alliance and close US-ROK cooperation are crucial to curbing and overcoming the North Korean nuclear threat we face. On this basis, it is essential not only to deter North Korea's nuclear attacks, but also to establish and implement our own short-term, middle-term and long-term political and military countermeasures for North Korea's denuclearization and disarmament.

Study on the Pathology of Taeeumin Prescription in Sasang Constitutional Medicine (태음인 처방의 사상의학적 병리 연구)

  • Ryu, Seung Yeob;Choi, Na Rae;Oh, Seung Yun;Park, Soo Jung;Joo, Jong Cheon
    • Journal of Physiology & Pathology in Korean Medicine
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    • v.30 no.1
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    • pp.14-19
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    • 2016
  • This study was designed to define the efficacy of prescriptions of Taeeumin in Sasang constitutional medicine. The twenty four prescriptions registered in Donguisusebowon Sinchuk edition written by Je-ma Lee in 1901 are the targets of this paper. We searched and analyzed original text such as Donguisusebowon Sinchuk edition written in 1901, Donguisusebowon Gabo edition written in 1894, Donguisusebowon Sansang Chobongwon, and posthumous manuscripts left by Je-ma Lee published by the Ministry of Health of North Korea. The pathology of the Taeeumin is classified into four mechanisms those are Esophagus-Cold (Wiwanhan), Cold Lung-Dry (HanpaeJo), Liver-Heat (Ganyeol), and Heat Lung-Dry (YeolpaeJo). The prescriptions of Taeeumin regulate four mechanisms. Twenty four prescriptions of Taeeumin regulate the mechanisms of Wiwanhan, HanpaeJo, Ganyeol, YeolpaeJo and correct the energy-fluid pathology of Taeeumin.

The lesson From Korean War (한국전쟁의 교훈과 대비 -병력수(兵力數) 및 부대수(部隊數)를 중심으로-)

  • Yoon, Il-Young
    • Journal of National Security and Military Science
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    • s.8
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    • pp.49-168
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    • 2010
  • Just before the Korean War, the total number of the North Korean troops was 198,380, while that of the ROK(Republic of Korea) army troops 105,752. That is, the total number of the ROK army troops at that time was 53.3% of the total number of the North Korean army. As of December 2008, the total number of the North Korean troops is estimated to be 1,190,000, while that of the ROK troops is 655,000, so the ROK army maintains 55.04% of the total number of the North Korean troops. If the ROK army continues to reduce its troops according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the total number of its troops will be 517,000 m 2020. If North Korea maintains the current status(l,190,000 troops), the number of the ROK troops will be 43.4% of the North Korean army. In terms of units, just before the Korean War, the number of the ROK army divisions and regiments was 80% and 44.8% of North Korean army. As of December 2008, North Korea maintains 86 divisions and 69 regiments. Compared to the North Korean army, the ROK army maintains 46 Divisions (53.4% of North Korean army) and 15 regiments (21.3% of North Korean army). If the ROK army continue to reduce the military units according to [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of ROK army divisions will be 28(13 Active Division, 4 Mobilization Divisions and 11 Local Reserve Divisions), while that of the North Korean army will be 86 in 2020. In that case, the number of divisions of the ROK army will be 32.5% of North Korean army. During the Korean war, North Korea suddenly invaded the Republic of Korea and occupied its capital 3 days after the war began. At that time, the ROK army maintained 80% of army divisions, compared to the North Korean army. The lesson to be learned from this is that, if the ROK army is forced to disperse its divisions because of the simultaneous invasion of North Korea and attack of guerrillas in home front areas, the Republic of Korea can be in a serious military danger, even though it maintains 80% of military divisions of North Korea. If the ROK army promotes the plans in [Military Reform Plan 2020], the number of military units of the ROK army will be 32.5% of that of the North Korean army. This ratio is 2.4 times lower than that of the time when the Korean war began, and in this case, 90% of total military power should be placed in the DMZ area. If 90% of military power is placed in the DMZ area, few troops will be left for the defense of home front. In addition, if the ROK army continues to reduce the troops, it can allow North Korea to have asymmetrical superiority in military force and it will eventually exert negative influence on the stability and peace of the Korean peninsular. On the other hand, it should be reminded that, during the Korean War, the Republic of Korea was attacked by North Korea, though it kept 53.3% of troops, compared to North Korea. It should also be reminded that, as of 2008, the ROK army is defending its territory with the troops 55.04% of North Korea. Moreover, the national defense is assisted by 25,120 troops of the US Forces in Korea. In case the total number of the ROK troops falls below 43.4% of the North Korean army, it may cause social unrest about the national security and may lead North Korea's misjudgement. Besides, according to Lanchester strategy, the party with weaker military power (60% compared to the party with stronger military power) has the 4.1% of winning possibility. Therefore, if we consider the fact that the total number of the ROK army troops is 55.04% of that of the North Korean army, the winning possibility of the ROK army is not higher than 4.1%. If the total number of ROK troops is reduced to 43.4% of that of North Korea, the winning possibility will be lower and the military operations will be in critically difficult situation. [Military Reform Plan 2020] rums at the reduction of troops and units of the ground forces under the policy of 'select few'. However, the problem is that the financial support to achieve this goal is not secured. Therefore, the promotion of [Military Reform Plan 2020] may cause the weakening of military defence power in 2020. Some advanced countries such as Japan, UK, Germany, and France have promoted the policy of 'select few'. However, what is to be noted is that the national security situation of those countries is much different from that of Korea. With the collapse of the Soviet Unions and European communist countries, the military threat of those European advanced countries has almost disappeared. In addition, the threats those advanced countries are facing are not wars in national level, but terrorism in international level. To cope with the threats like terrorism, large scaled army trops would not be necessary. So those advanced European countries can promote the policy of 'select few'. In line with this, those European countries put their focuses on the development of military sections that deal with non-military operations and protection from unspecified enemies. That is, those countries are promoting the policy of 'select few', because they found that the policy is suitable for their national security environment. Moreover, since they are pursuing common interest under the European Union(EU) and they can form an allied force under NATO, it is natural that they are pursing the 'select few' policy. At present, NATO maintains the larger number of troops(2,446,000) than Russia(l,027,000) to prepare for the potential threat of Russia. The situation of japan is also much different from that of Korea. As a country composed of islands, its prime military focus is put on the maritime defense. Accordingly, the development of ground force is given secondary focus. The japanese government promotes the policy to develop technology-concentrated small size navy and air-forces, instead of maintaining large-scaled ground force. In addition, because of the 'Peace Constitution' that was enacted just after the end of World War II, japan cannot maintain troops more than 240,000. With the limited number of troops (240,000), japan has no choice but to promote the policy of 'select few'. However, the situation of Korea is much different from the situations of those countries. The Republic of Korea is facing the threat of the North Korean Army that aims at keeping a large-scale military force. In addition, the countries surrounding Korea are also super powers containing strong military forces. Therefore, to cope with the actual threat of present and unspecified threat of future, the importance of maintaining a carefully calculated large-scale military force cannot be denied. Furthermore, when considering the fact that Korea is in a peninsular, the Republic of Korea must take it into consideration the tradition of continental countries' to maintain large-scale military powers. Since the Korean War, the ROK army has developed the technology-force combined military system, maintaining proper number of troops and units and pursuing 'select few' policy at the same time. This has been promoted with the consideration of military situation in the Koran peninsular and the cooperation of ROK-US combined forces. This kind of unique military system that cannot be found in other countries can be said to be an insightful one for the preparation for the actual threat of North Korea and the conflicts between continental countries and maritime countries. In addition, this kind of technology-force combined military system has enabled us to keep peace in Korea. Therefore, it would be desirable to maintain this technology-force combined military system until the reunification of the Korean peninsular. Furthermore, it is to be pointed out that blindly following the 'select few' policy of advanced countries is not a good option, because it is ignoring the military strategic situation of the Korean peninsular. If the Republic of Korea pursues the reduction of troops and units radically without consideration of the threat of North Korea and surrounding countries, it could be a significant strategic mistake. In addition, the ROK army should keep an eye on the fact the European advanced countries and Japan that are not facing direct military threats are spending more defense expenditures than Korea. If the ROK army reduces military power without proper alternatives, it would exert a negative effect on the stable economic development of Korea and peaceful reunification of the Korean peninsular. Therefore, the desirable option would be to focus on the development of quality of forces, maintaining proper size and number of troops and units under the technology-force combined military system. The tableau above shows that the advanced countries like the UK, Germany, Italy, and Austria spend more defense expenditure per person than the Republic of Korea, although they do not face actual military threats, and that they keep achieving better economic progress than the countries that spend less defense expenditure. Therefore, it would be necessary to adopt the merits of the defense systems of those advanced countries. As we have examined, it would be desirable to maintain the current size and number of troops and units, to promote 'select few' policy with increased defense expenditure, and to strengthen the technology-force combined military system. On the basis of firm national security, the Republic of Korea can develop efficient policies for reunification and prosperity, and jump into the status of advanced countries. Therefore, the plans to reduce troops and units in [Military Reform Plan 2020] should be reexamined. If it is difficult for the ROK army to maintain its size of 655,000 troops because of low birth rate, the plans to establish the prompt mobilization force or to adopt drafting system should be considered for the maintenance of proper number of troops and units. From now on, the Republic of Korean government should develop plans to keep peace as well as to prepare unexpected changes in the Korean peninsular. For the achievement of these missions, some options can be considered. The first one is to maintain the same size of military troops and units as North Korea. The second one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea in terms of military force index. The third one is to maintain the same level of military power as North Korea, with the combination of the prompt mobilization force and the troops in active service under the system of technology-force combined military system. At present, it would be not possible for the ROK army to maintain such a large-size military force as North Korea (1,190,000 troops and 86 units). So it would be rational to maintain almost the same level of military force as North Korea with the combination of the troops on the active list and the prompt mobilization forces. In other words, with the combination of the troops in active service (60%) and the prompt mobilization force (40%), the ROK army should develop the strategies to harmonize technology and forces. The Korean government should also be prepared for the strategic flexibility of USFK, the possibility of American policy change about the location of foreign army, radical unexpected changes in North Korea, the emergence of potential threat, surrounding countries' demand for Korean force for the maintenance of regional stability, and demand for international cooperation against terrorism. For this, it is necessary to develop new approaches toward the proper number and size of troops and units. For instance, to prepare for radical unexpected political or military changes in North Korea, the Republic of Korea should have plans to protect a large number of refugees, to control arms and people, to maintain social security, and to keep orders in North Korea. From the experiences of other countries, it is estimated that 115,000 to 230,000 troops, plus ten thousands of police are required to stabilize the North Korean society, in the case radical unexpected military or political change happens in North Korea. In addition, if the Republic of Korea should perform the release of hostages, control of mass destruction weapons, and suppress the internal wars in North Korea, it should send 460,000 troops to North Korea. Moreover, if the Republic of Korea wants to stop the attack of North Korea and flow of refugees in DMZ area, at least 600,000 troops would be required. In sum, even if the ROK army maintains 600,000 troops, it may need additional 460,000 troops to prepare for unexpected radical changes in North Korea. For this, it is necessary to establish the prompt mobilization force whose size and number are almost the same as the troops in active service. In case the ROK army keeps 650,000 troops, the proper number of the prompt mobilization force would be 460,000 to 500,000.

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