• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.70-99
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• 2021

Yeong-am's 'Jeongwon (貞元)' stone monument, designated as the Jeollanam-do Cultural Heritage, is considered to be the oldest of the epigraphs in Jeollanam-do. Immediately after the discovery, the possibility of it being a Maehyangbi of Memorial Inscriptions was mentioned and attracted attention. However, there is an absolute age of the 'Jeongwon (貞元) of 2 years' (786), so despite it is a relatively early epigraph (金石文), there are not many papers on the theme related to this stone monument. I believe that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). While reviewing and comparing the results of the existing research, I decoded the text from the 42nd character of the 4th line. As a result of the review, that was conducted, it was confirmed that this stone monument is truly a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). In particular, it was recorded in the literature of the late Joseon Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) that the letters of the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) are not recognizable. However, it is clearly stated that this stone monument is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Although there is no common expression for 'bury (埋)' or 'incense burial (埋香)' in the traditional Maehyangbi (埋香碑), which were popular in the late Goryeo and early Joseon Periods, it can be seen that it is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) from the words "hide (呑藏)" and "10 bundles of fragrant incense (合香十束)" that are engraved on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon.' In other words, it is thought that it meant 'hide (呑藏)' instead of 'bury (埋)'. Circumstantial evidence for the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), built in 888, contains the an epigraph from the Unified Silla Era. There is a phrase on it that says 'Plant incense on the shore (海岸植香)' on the monument of Jingamseonsa (眞鑑禪師), and it conveys its meaning without using the character 'bury (埋)'. As a result of the absence of the character 'bury (埋)' on the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon', it is not considered as a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). However, there is evidence that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is in fact a Maehyangbi (埋香碑) and it is also in the Geumpyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone) around Gukjangsaeng (國長生) and at the entrance of Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺). The letters written on the gold sign suggest the possibility that the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) at the royal tombs of King Jeongjo (正祖) was produced around at Dogapsa Temple (道甲寺) in Wolchulsan (月出山). Since the charcoal used to burn incense (香炭) is naturally related to incense (香), it has been shown that the area around Wolchulsan, where Dogapsa Temple is located, has a long history related to incense (香). The letters visible on the stone monument, the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記) in the late Joseon Dynasty, and the letters on the Geompyoseok (禁標石; Forbidden Stone), all show that the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon (貞元)' is a Maehyangbi (埋香碑). Considering the fact that the earliest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in existence is the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) in Yeongam (靈巖) Ippam-ri (笠巖里), which has two dates from 1371 at the end of Goryeo and 1410 at the beginning of Joseon, the stone monument with the name 'Jeongwon' which was set up in 786, would be the oldest Maehyangbi (埋香碑) that we know of. In addition, there is a historical significance in that the Maehyangbi (埋香碑) is proven in the record of Dongguk-myungsanggi (東國名山記), a document from the late Joseon period.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.52 no.2
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• pp.220-239
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• 2019

According to the National Currency (國幣) article in GyeongGukDaeJeon (經國大典), the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was a seal that was imprinted on both ends of a piece of hemp fabric (布). It was used for the circulation of hemp fabric as a fabric currency (布幣). The issued fabric currency was used as a currency for trade or as pecuniary means to have one's crime exempted or replace one's labor duty. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn would be imprinted on a piece of hemp fabric (布) to collect one-twentieth of tax. The ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn (朝鮮通幣之印) was one of the historical currencies and seal materials used during the early Chosun dynasty. Its imprint was a means of collecting taxes; hence, it was one of the taxation research materials. Despite its value, however, there has been no active research undertaken on it. Thus, the investigator conducted comprehensive research on it based on related content found in JeonRokTongGo (典錄通考), Dae'JeonHu-Sok'Rok (大典後續錄), JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄) and other geography books (地理志) as well as the materials mentioned by researchers in previous studies. The investigator demonstrated that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was established based on the concept of circulating Choson fabric notes (朝鮮布貨) with a seal on ChongOseungp'o (正五升布) in entreaty documents submitted in 1401 and that the fabric currency (布幣) with the imprint of the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn was used as a currency for trade, pecuniary or taxation means of having one's crime exempted, or replacing one's labor, and as a tool of revenue from ships. The use of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn continued even after a ban on fabric currencies (布幣) in March 1516 due to a policy on the "use of Joehwa (paper notes)" in 1515. It was still used as an official seal on local official documents in 1598. During the reign of King Yeongjo (英祖), it was used to make a military service (軍布) hemp fabric. Some records of 1779 indicate that it was used as a means of taxation for international trade. It is estimated that approximately 330 ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn were in circulation based on records in JeongHeonSwaeRok (貞軒?錄). Although there was the imprint of ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn in An Inquiry on Choson Currency (朝鮮貨幣考) published in 1940, there had been no fabric currencies (布幣) with its imprint on them or genuine cases of the seal. It was recently found among the artifacts of Wongaksa Temple. The seal imprint was also found on historical manuscripts produced at the Jikjisa Temple in 1775. The investigator compared the seal imprints found on the historical manuscripts of the Jikjisa Temple, attached to TapJwaJongJeonGji (塔左從政志), and published in An Inquiry on Choson Currency with the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn housed at the Wongaksa Temple. It was found that these seal imprints were the same shape as the one at Wongaksa Temple. In addition, their overall form was the same as the one depicted in Daerokji (大麓誌) and LiJaeNanGo (?齋亂藁). These findings demonstrate that the ChoSonT'ongPaeJiIn at Wongaksa Temple was a seal made in the 15th century and is, therefore, an important artifact in the study of Choson's currency history, taxation, and seals. There is a need for future research examining its various aspects.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.37 no.3
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• pp.62-82
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• 2019

Taking the three Wuyi-Gugok Drawings, 『A Picture Showing the Boundary Between Mountains and Rivers: A』, 『Landscape of the Jiuqu River in the Wuyi Mountain: B』 and 『Eighteen Sceneries of Wuyi Mountain: C』, which were produced in the mid-Qing Dynasty as the research objects and after investigating the names recorded in the paintings, this paper tries to analyze the scenic spots, scene types and images in the literature survey. Also, based on the number of Scenic type and the number of Scenic name in each Gok, landscape richness(LR) and landscape similarity(LS) of the Gugok scenic spots, the cognitive characteristics of the landscape in the 18th century were carefully observed. The results are as follows. Firstly, according to the description statistics of scenic spot types in Wuyi Mountain Chronicle, there were 41 descriptions of scenery names in the three paintings, among which rock, peak and stone accounted for the majority. According to the data, the number of rocks, peaks and stones in Wuyi-Gugok landscape accounted for more than half, which reflected the characteristics of geological landscape such as Danxia landform in Wuyi-Gugok landscape. Secondly, the landscape of Gugok Stream(九曲溪) was diverse and full of images. The 1^st Gok Daewangbong(大王峰) and Manjeongbong(幔亭峰), the 2^nd Gok Oknyeobong(玉女峰), the 3^rd Gok Sojangbong(小藏峰), the 4^th Gok Daejangbong(大藏峰), the 5^th Gok Daeeunbyeong(大隱屛) and Muijeongsa(武夷精舍), the 6^th Gok Seonjangbong(仙掌峰) and Cheonyubong(天游峰) all had outstanding landscape in each Gok. However, the landscape features of the 7^th~9^th Gok were relatively low. Thirdly, according to the landscape image survey of each Gok, the image formation of Gugok cultural landscape originates from the specificity of the myths and legends related to Wuyi Mountain, and the landscape is highly well-known. Due to the specificity, the landscape recognition was very high. In particular, the 1^st Gok and the 5^th Gok closely related to the Taoist culture based on Muigun, the Stone Carving culture and the Boat Tour culture related to neo-confucianism culture of Zhu Xi. Fourthly, according to the analysis results of landscape similarity of 41 landscape types shown in the figure, the similarity of A and C was very high. The morphological description and the relationship of distant and near performance was very similar. Therefore, it could be judged that this was obviously influenced by one painting. As a whole, the names of the scenes depicted in the three paintings were formed at least in the first half of 18^th century through a long history of inheritance, accumulated myths and legends, and the names of the scenes. The order of the scenery names in three Drawings had some differences. But among the scenery names appearing in all three Drawings, there were 21 stones, 20 rocks and 17 peaks. Stones, rocks and peaks guided the landscape of Gugok Streams in Wuyi Mountain. Fifthly, Seonjodae(仙釣臺) in A and C was described in the 4^th Gok, but what deserved attention was that it was known as the scenery name of the 3^rd Gok in Korean. In addition, Seungjindong(升眞洞) in the 1^st Gok and Seokdangsa(石堂寺) in the 7^th Gok were not described in Drawings A, B and C. This is a special point that needs to be studied in the future.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.101
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• pp.12-46
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• 2022

Completed in 1467, the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple is the last Buddhist pagoda erected at the center of the capital (present-day Seoul) of the Joseon Dynasty. It was commissioned by King Sejo, the final Korean king to favor Buddhism. In this paper, I aim to examine King Sejo's intentions behind celebrating the tenth anniversary of his enthronement with the construction of the thirteen-story stone pagoda in the central area of the capital and the enshrinement of sarira from Shakyamuni Buddha and the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經). This paper provides a summary of this examination and suggests future research directions. The second chapter of the paper discusses the scriptural background for thirteen-story stone pagodas from multiple perspectives. I was the first to specify the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra (大般涅槃經後分) as the most direct and fundamental scripture for the erection of a thirteen-story stone pagoda. I also found that this sutra was translated in Central Java in the latter half of the seventh century and was then circulated in East Asia. Moreover, I focused on the so-called Kanishka-style stupa as the origin of thirteen-story stone pagodas and provided an overview of thirteen-story stone pagodas built around East Asia, including in Korea. In addition, by consulting Buddhist references, I prove that the thirteen stories symbolize the stages of the practice of asceticism towards enlightenment. In this regard, the number thirteen can be viewed as a special and sacred number to Buddhist devotees. The third chapter explores the Buddhist background of King Sejo's establishment of the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda of Wongaksa Temple. I studied both the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms (翻譯名義集) (which King Sejo personally purchased in China and published for the first time in Korea) and the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment. King Sejo involved himself in the first translation of the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment into Korean. The Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms was published in the fourteenth century as a type of Buddhist glossary. King Sejo is presumed to have been introduced to the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra, the fundamental scripture regarding thirteen-story pagodas, through the Dictionary of Sanskrit-Chinese Translation of Buddhist Terms, when he was set to erect a pagoda at Wongaksa Temple. King Sejo also enshrined the Newly Translated Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment inside the Wongaksa pagoda as a scripture representing the entire Tripitaka. This enshrined sutra appears to be the vernacular version for which King Sejo participated in the first Korean translation. Furthermore, I assert that the original text of the vernacular version is the Abridged Commentary on the Sutra of Perfect Enlightenment (圓覺經略疏) by Zongmi (宗密, 780-841), different from what has been previously believed. The final chapter of the paper elucidates the political semantics of the establishment of the Wongaksa pagoda by comparing and examining stone pagodas erected at neungsa (陵寺) or jinjeonsawon (眞殿寺院), which were types of temples built to protect the tombs of royal family members near their tombs during the early Joseon period. These stone pagodas include the Thirteen-story Pagoda of Gyeongcheonsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Gaegyeongsa Temple, the Stone Pagoda of Yeongyeongsa Temple, and the Multi-story Stone Pagoda of Silleuksa Temple. The comparative analysis of these stone pagodas reveals that King Sejo established the Thirteen-story Stone Pagoda at Wongaksa Temple as a political emblem to legitimize his succession to the throne. In this paper, I attempt to better understand the scriptural and political semantics of the Wongaksa pagoda as a thirteen-story pagoda. By providing a Korean case study, this attempt will contribute to the understanding of Buddhist pagoda culture that reached its peak during the late Goryeo and early Joseon periods. It also contributes to the research on thirteen-story pagodas in East Asia that originated with Kanishka stupa and were based on the Latter Part of the Nirvana Sutra.

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.53 no.4
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• pp.150-169
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• 2020

Surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan in Gyeongju began in earnest during the Japanese colonial era, undertaken by Japanese scholars. These surveys of Buddhist remains in Namsan made during the colonial period should be seen as previous research which cannot be ignored in any in-depth study of Buddhist ruins in Gyeongju. Full-scale surveys of Buddhist ruins at Namsan began in the 1920s. Previous surveys conducted around the time of the Japanese annexation of Korea in 1910 are generally viewed as only representing preliminary investigations and, thus, have not received much attention. However, these early surveys are significant in that they led to the Buddhist ruins on Namsan becoming widely known in the 1910s and served as the foundations for later studies. The removal of the Seated Medicine Buddha from Samneung Valley in Gyeongju in 1915 and its subsequent exhibition at the Joseon Local Products Expo, which marked the fifth anniversary of the Japanese administration of Korea, was especially important in garnering attention for Namsan's wealth of Buddhist artifacts, as the statue was placed in the main hall of the art museum and attracted a great deal of interest from visitors. It is typically thought that this Seated Medicine Buddha was exhibited in 1915 because it was the most beautiful and well-preserved statue from Namsan. However, the removal of this statue was closely related to the proposed move of the Seokguram statue to Seoul around the time of Korea's annexation. The plan to move Seokguram to Seoul was primarily devised by Terauchi Masatake, and the plan, based on Ilseontongjo-ron ('日鮮同祖論'), a historical theory that prehistoric Korean and Japanese people were of the same blood, and Joseon Jeongcheasoeng-ron ('朝鮮停滯性論'), a historical theory arguing that development had stagnated in Korea, was intended to be a visual demonstration of a new era for Korea. This new era was to proceed under the rule of the Japanese Empire through the dissolution of Gyeongbokgung, the symbol of the Joseon Dynasty, which would be replaced with past glories as symbolized by the statue of Buddha. However, as the plan floundered, the replacement for Seokguram in Seoul ended up being none other than the Seated Medicine Buddha of Samneung Valley. Surveys of the Seated Medicine Buddha began in 1911, administered by Sekino Tadashi, but he likely learned of the statue's location from Moroga Hideo or Kodaira Ryozo, Japanese residents of Gyeongju. It is also probable that these Japanese residents received a request from the Japanese Government General of Korea to find a Buddha statue that was worthy of being displayed at exhibitions. In this way, we can say that the transfer of the Seated Medicine Buddha to Seoul was the result of close cooperation between the Government General, Sekino Tadashi, and Japanese residents of Gyeongju. This also had the effect of removing the magical veil which had shrouded the Buddhist ruins of Namsan. In other words, while the early surveys of Buddhist ruins on Namsan are significant, it is difficult to argue that the surveys were undertaken for purely academic purposes, as they were deeply related to the imperial ambitions of Governor-General Terauchi which encompassed the plans to move Seokguram to Seoul and the successful hosting of the 1915 Expo. It should also be pointed out that the failure of the plan to move Seokguram to Seoul and the preservation of the Seated Stone Buddha of Mireuggok at Namsan was in no small part due to resistance from Korean residents in Gyeongju. Although it is not described in detail in the paper, research is needed which shows that the Korean residents of Gyeongju were not simple bystanders, but agents of history.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.43
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• pp.47-78
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• 2021

This study was written to examine the acceptance of pansori in movies based on pansori, and to explore changes in modern society's perception and expectations of pansori. A pansori is getting the love of the upper and lower castes in the late Joseon period, but loses the status at the time of the Japanese colonial rule and Korean War. In response, the country designated pansori as an important intangible cultural asset in 1964 to protect the disappearance of pansori. Until the 1980s, however, pansori did not gain popularity by itself. After the 2000s, Pansori tried to breathe in with the contemporary public due to the socio-cultural demand to globalize our culture. And now Pansori is one of the most popular cultures in the world today, as the pop band Feel the Rhythm of KOREA shows. The changing public perception of pansori and its status in modern society can also be seen in the mass media called movies. This study explored the process of this change with six films based on pansori, from "Seopyeonje" directed by Lim Kwon-taek in 1993 to the film "The Singer" in 2020. First, the films "Seopyeonje" and "Hwimori" were produced in the 1990s. Both of these films show the reality of pansori, which has fallen out of public interest due to the crisis of transmission in the early and mid-20th century. And in the midst of that, he captured the scene of a singer struggling fiercely for the artistic completion of Pansori itself. Next, look at the film "Lineage of the Voice" in 2008 and "DURESORI: The Voice of East" in 2012. These two films depict the growth of children who perform art, featuring contemporary children who play pansori and Korean traditional music. Pansori in these films is no longer an old piece of music, nor is it a sublime art that is completed in harsh training. It is only naturally treated as one of the contemporary arts. Finally, "The Sound of a Flower" in 2015 and "The Singer" in 2020. The two films constructed a story from Pansori's history based on the time background of the film during the late Joseon Dynasty, when Pansori was loved the most by the people. This reflects the atmosphere of the times when traditions are used as the subject of cultural content, and shows the changed public perception of pansori and the status of pansori.

• Sijohaknonchong
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• v.30
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• pp.263-300
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• 2009

Adoration for nature constitutes one of the primary subjects that literature has tackled since the origin of human history. Nature expressed through a poet's subjective imagination is the internalized and reorganized nature. This study examines the view on nature enacted in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems (sijo) in light of the traditional views on nature implicated in the ancient three-verse poems (koshijo), which is in line with the long-established Oriental view on nature. To dignitaris(sadaebu) in the Chosun Dynasty, nature appeared as the idealistic subject for moral culture ($shims{\breve{o}}ngsuyang$), which also becomes the literary space where the purity and justice of the world view of Neo-Confucianism(Sungrihak) is contained in the form of the three-verse poem, the lyrical poetic space where the "I" is united with nature by way of "enjoying of wind and moon"($umpungnongw{\breve{o}}i$) and "living in quiet retiremen"($yuyuchaj{\breve{o}}k$), and the object for the poetical perception of the surrounding world. Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse odes are found in Reed pipe ($Ch'oj{\breve{o}}k$), Sixty Five Pieces of Three-Verse Odes (Samhaengshi-$yukshipopy{\breve{o}}n$), Autumn Fragrance ($Hyangginam{\check{u}}n-ga{\check{u}}l$), and The Words of Zelko va Tree ($N{\check{u}}tinamu{\check{u}}i-mal$). This study analyzes 212 pieces of Ch'o-Jung' s three-verse poems chosen from theses books. In Ch'o-Jung's poems, the traditional view on nature expressed in the ancient three-verse poems is rendered in such a way that metaphysical understanding of nature is indirectly transmitted through the objective correlatives found nature. Nature is no longer the object of straightforward utterance, but transformed, displaced, and removed: that way, nature gets objectified to form a complicated and multi-layered structure. In conclusion, the view on nature manifested in Ch'o-Jung's three-verse poems is based on traditional metaphysics. Second, nature is the object of lyrical nostalgia and adoration. Third, nature is imbued with the fundamental affection for parents. Fourth, nature is associated with organic life. Fifth, the nature in Ch'o-Jung's poems reveals the beauty of stillness endorsed in Lao-tse's and Chung-tze's philosophy. And last, nature is the agent for self-realization and meditation.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.100
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• pp.112-138
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• 2021

This paper mainly analyzes the records titled 'Shijujil(施主秩)' from the Bokjangs of each of the Rocana and Shakyamuni statues enshrined as wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triadcomposed of Vairocana(center), Rocana(right), and Shakyamuni(left) at the Daeungjeon Hall of Hwaeomsa Temple in Gurye. The Shijujil from the Shakyamuni statue was recovered through Bokjang investigation in September 2015 and has been kept in the museum of Hwaeomsa as an undisclosed relic. After the discovery of the Shijujil from the Rocana statue through an Bokjang investigation in July 2020, both of the Shijujils were only officially released through the special exhibition 'Grand Hwaeomsa Temple in Jirisan Mountain' in September 2021. Existing documents recording on the creation of Buddha statues in the 17th century are in the form of sheets or rolls. However, the Shijujils take the form of simple stitched booklets. The Shijujil from Rocana consists of 19 chapters and 38 pages in one book, and the Shijujil from Shakyamuni consists of 11 chapters and 22 pages in one book. The contents of the Shijujils consist of the purpose of the Buddha statue creation, the creation date, the year and place of enshrining, the names of the statues, the people in charge and their roles, the sculptors, the list of items donated, and the list of the contributors. In addition, the list of monks who were staying at Hwaeomsa Temple at that time are also recorded, so the Shijujil is like a time capsule that tells the situation of Hwaeomsa Temple about 400 years ago. According to the records of the Shijujils and the Writing on the wooden pedestal of Rocana, the Vairocana Triad began to be in March 1634(12th year of King Injo) and was completed in August of that year, and was enshrined in the Daeungjeon Hall in the fall of the following year. It is very important to confirm that the Vairocana Buddha Triad of Hwaeomsa was created in 1634. Since studies on the reconstruction of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century and the roles of Byeokam Gakseong have been mainly based on 『湖南道求禮縣智異山大華嚴寺事蹟』 written by monk Haean in 1636, it has been estimated that the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad was created in 1636. However, it is now known that the Virocana Buddha Triad was created in 1634. The Shijujils are also a good source of information about Byeokam Gakseong who played a pivotal roles in the reconstruction projects of Hwaeomsa Temple in the 17th century. He played leading roles in rebuilding the East Five-story Stone Pagoda(1630), in creating the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad(1634), and in producing the Yeongsanhoe Gwaebul(1653, Hanging Scroll Painting depicting the Shakyamuni preaching). It is also very important that the Shijujils are records that can reveal the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and royal family of Joseon Dynasty in the 17th century. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni are the first documents ever discovered in which the names of royal family members, such as Uichanggun(Gwang Lee, son of King Seonjo), Ikseong Shin(son-in-law of King Seonjo), and Crown Prince Sohyeon(son of King Injo) are recorded in detail in relation to the production of Buddha statues. The Shijujils from Rocana and Shakyamuni contain specific information about the production of the wooden seated Vairocana Buddha Triad in the 17th century, such as the year of production of the Buddha statues, the role of Byeokam Gakseong, and the relationship between Byeokam Gakseong and the royal family, so it is of great value not only for art history but also for historical studies of Hwaeomsa Temple.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.104
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• pp.40-69
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• 2023

This paper examines the relationship between celadon wine vessels and royal banquets by focusing on their unique forms. It explores the symbolism in their forms and designs and the changes that took place in the composition of these vessels. By examining the royal annals in Goryeosa (The History of the Goryeo Dynasty), the relation of celadon wine vessels and royal banquets is examined in terms of the number of banquets held in the respective reigns of the Goryeo kings, the number of banquets held by type, and the purpose of holding them. A royal banquet was a means of strengthening the royal authority by reinforcing the hierarchy and building bonds between the king and his vassals. It was also an act of ruling that demonstrated the king's authority and power through praise of his achievements and virtues. Royal banquets were held most often during the reigns of King Yejong (r. 1105-1122), King Uijong (r. 1146-1170), King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), and King Gongmin (r. 1351-1374). Particular attention is paid here to the changes in the types and forms of celadon wine vessels that occurred starting in the reigns of King Yejong and King Chungnyeol, which is also the period in which the number of royal banquets increased and royal banquet culture evolved. The king and his subjects prayed for the king's longevity at royal banquets and celebrated peaceful reigns by drinking and performing various related acts. Thus, the visual symbolism of vessels for holding, pouring, or receiving alcohol were emphasized. Since the manner of drinking at a banquet was exchanges of pouring and receiving alcohol between the king and his subjects, the design of the ewers and cups had a significant visual impact on attendees. It can be seen, therefore, that decorating wine vessels with Daoist motifs such as the immortals, luan (a mythological bird), turtle dragons, fish dragons, and gourd bottles or with Confucian designs like hibiscus roots was intended as a visual manifestation of the purpose of royal banquets, which was to celebrate the king and to pray for both loyalty and immortality. In particular, the Peach Offering Dance (獻仙桃) and Music for Returning to the Royal Palace (還宮樂), which correspond to the form and design of celadon wine vessels, was examined. The lyrics of the banquet music embodied wishes for the king's longevity, immortality, and eternal youth as well as for the prosperity of the royal court and a peaceful reign. These words are reflected in wine vessels such as the Celadon Taoist Figure-shaped Pitcher housed in the National Museum of Korea and the Bird Shaped Ewer with Daoist Priest in the Art Institute of Chicago. It is important to note that only Goryeo celadon wine vessels reflect this facet of royal banquet culture in their shape and design. The composition of wine vessel sets changed depending on the theme of the banquet and the types of liquor. After Goryeo Korea was incorporated into the Mongol Empire, new alcoholic beverages were introduced, resulting in changes in banquet culture such as the uses and composition of wine vessel sets. From the reign of King Chungnyeol (r. 1274-1308), which was under the authority of the Yuan imperial court, royal banquets began to be co-hosted by kings and princesses, Mongolian-style banquets like boerzhayan (孛兒扎宴) were held, and attendees donned the tall headdress called gugu worn by Mongol women. During the reign of King Chungnyeol, the banquet culture changed 132 banquets were held. This implies that the court tried to strengthen its authority by royal marriage with the Yuan court, which augmented the number of banquets. At these banquets, new alcoholic drinks were introduced such as grape wine, dongnak (湩酪), and distilled liquor. New wine vessels included stem cups, pear-shaped bottles (yuhuchunping), yi (匜), and cups with a dragon head. The new celadon wine vessels were all modeled after metal wares that were used in the Yuan court or in the Khanates. The changes in the celadon wine vessels of the late Goryeo era were examined here in a more specific manner than in previous studies by expanding the samples for the study to the Eurasian khanates. With the influx of new types of wine vessels, it was natural for the sets and uses of Goryeo celadon wine vessels to change in response. The new styles of celadon wine vessels linked the Goryeo court with the distant Khanates of the Mongol Empire. This paper is the beginning of a new study that examines the uses of Goryeo celadon by illuminating the relations between royal banquets and these unique celadon wine vessels that are stylistically different from everyday vessels. It is to be hoped that more studies will be conducted from diverse perspectives exploring both the usage of Goryeo celadon vessels and their users.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.