• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 한국습지학회지
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• 제18권4호
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• pp.474-480
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• 2016

본 연구에서는 지구적 차원에서 생물다양성의 성립 배경과 그동안 일어난 변화 그리고 기후변화가 생물다양성 및 인간에 미치는 영향을 밝히고 그 영향을 줄이기 위한 대안을 제시하였다. 생물다양성은 생명체의 풍부한 정도이며, 생물을 구분하는 모든 수준에서의 다양성을 종합적으로 의미한다. 즉, 생물다양성은 유전자, 종 그리고 생태계 전반과 그들의 상호작용을 아우른다. 이는 생태계의 기반을 구성하며, 모든 사람들이 필수적으로 의존하는 서비스를 제공한다. 그럼에도 불구하고 오늘날 생물다양성은 주로 인간 활동에 의해 점점 더 위협받고 있다. 지구상의 생물은 생명이 탄생한 이래 약 40억년의 역사를 통해 다양한 환경에 적응하고 진화한 결과, 약 1000만 내지 3000만종으로 추정되는 다양한 생물이 존재하게 되었다. 생물다양성을 구성하는 무수한 생명들은 각각의 고유한 특성을 가지고 있으며 다양한 관계 속에 얽혀 있다. 우리들이 현재 생활하고 있는 지구의 환경도 이러한 생물체의 방대한 연관성과 상호작용에 의해 긴 세월 동안 만들어져 왔으며, 인류도 하나의 생물로서 다른 생물들과 관계를 맺으며 살아가고 있다. 이러한 주위의 생물들이 없다면 사람도 살아갈 수 없다. 그러나 인류는 최근 수 백 년 간 과거의 평균 멸종속도를 1000배 가량이나 가속시켜 왔다. 우리는 미래 세대의 풍요로운 삶을 위해서라도 생물다양성을 보전하는 한편, 지속가능하게 이용할 책임이 있다. 우리나라는 세계 어느 국가보다도 빠른 경제 성장을 이루어왔으나, 동시에 이는 남북으로 길게 뻗은 반도 국가라는 지리적 특성에 의해 본래 풍부했던 생물다양성을 빠르게 소실시키는 결과를 야기하였다. 한국인은 오랫동안 농업, 임업 그리고 어업을 해오는 과정에서 자연과의 공존을 통해 독특한 고유의 문화를 창조하였다. 그러나 근래 서구문명의 유입과 과학 기술의 발전 과정에서 이러한 자연과의 관계는 멀어지게 되었으며, 자연과 문화 사이의 조화로운 조합에 의해 창출된 고유한 풍토는 점점 더 사라지고 있다. 한국의 인구는 세계 인구가 지속적으로 증가하는 것과는 반대로 점차 줄어들 것으로 예측되고 있다. 이 시점에서 우리는 인구 감소에 의한 자연의 회복에 발맞추어 급속한 인구 증가 및 경제 성장으로 인해 훼손된 생물다양성을 복원할 필요가 있다. 지구상에 생명이 탄생한 이래 다섯차례의 대멸종이 있었다. 현대의 대멸종은 매우 급속히 진행되고 있으며, 인간 활동에 의한 영향이 주요 원인인 점에서 이전의 것과 구분된다. 기후변화는 실제로 일어나고 있으며, 생물다양성은 이러한 변화에 매우 취약하다. 만약 생명체가 변화하는 환경에서 '진화를 통한 적응', '생존가능한 다른 지역으로의 이주' 등과 같은 생존 방법을 찾아내지 못한다면 이들은 절멸할 것이므로, 기후변화가 지속된다면 생물다양성은 극도로 훼손될 수 밖에 없다. 따라서 우리는 이러한 훼손정도를 최소화하기 위해 기후변화가 생물다양성에 미치는 영향을 보다 적극적이고 심도있게 파악할 필요가 있다. 생물계절의 변화, 식생 이동을 비롯한 분포 범위의 변화, 생물 간 상호작용의 부조화, 먹이 사슬 이상에 기인한 번식 및 생장률 감소, 산호초 백화현상 등이 기후변화에 미치는 영향으로 등장하고 있다. 질병의 확산, 식량 생산 감소, 작물 경작지 범위 변화, 어장 및 어업시기의 변화 등은 인간에 대한 영향으로 나타나고 있다. 기후변화 문제를 해결하기 위해 우선, 우리는 온실 가스 배출량을 감소시켜 기후변화 완화를 시도할 필요가 있다. 그러나 현재 우리가 온실가스 배출을 당장 멈추더라도, 기후변화는 당분간 지속될 전망이다. 이런 점에서, 기후변화 적응 전략을 준비하는 것이 더 현실적이 될 수 있다. 생물다양성에 대한 기후변화 영향의 지속적 모니터링 및 보다 적합한 모니터링 체계 구축이 선행과제가 될 수 있다. 생물다양성이 성립할 수 있는 생태적 공간의 확보, 이동 보조 및 남북을 이어주는 수평 및 저지대와 고지대를 이어주는 수직적 생태네트웍이 기후변화에 따른 생물다양성의 적응을 돕는 대안으로 추천될 수 있다.

• 마케팅과학연구
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• 제19권4호
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• pp.32-43
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• 2009

信任在心理学, 经济学, 社会学中已被广泛研究, 其重要性不仅在市场营销中被强调, 在一般商业原则中也被强调. 供应商和买家之间的关系与过去不同, 过去的关系需要相当大的私人网络优势, 并可能涉及不道德的商业行为. 而在以工业营销成功的为核心的二十一世纪激烈的全球竞争中, 供应商和买家之间的关系是伙伴关系. 在相互合作的高级别信任的基础上, 通过交换的关系, 这会给买家和供应商带来长期的利益, 竞争力增强和交易成本的降低以及其他福利. 尽管现有的研究有信任的重要性, 但是在购买与供应关系中却忽视了信任的作用, 也没有系统地分析信任对关系的影响. 因此, 深入研究, 确定买家和商业服务供应商之间信任和关系绩效之间的联系是绝对需要的. 本研究中的商业服务, 包括那些支持制造业, 正作为下一代经济增长的引擎而吸引着人们的注意. 韩国政府已选择其作为制造业发展的战略领域. 由于商业服务开放市场的需求日趋激烈, 商业服务业的竞争力应该比以往得到更多的提倡. 本研究的目的是探索相互信任对买家和供应商之间的关系绩效的影响. 具体来说, 本研究在商业服务交易中提出了一个关于信任-关系绩效的理论模型, 并实证检验根据模型而提出的假设. 这项研究表明, 研究结果有战略意义. 本研究通过多种方法收集经验数据. 这些方法包括通过电话, 邮件和面试. 作为样本的公司是在韩国供应和购买商业服务的以知识为本的公司. 本研究收集的是二进的基础数据. 每个样本公司对包括购买公司及其相应的供应公司. 并跟踪调查每个公司对的相互信任. 本研究为商业服务的买卖双方提出了信任-关系绩效的模型. 该模型由信任和它的前因和后果. 买家的信任分为对供应公司的信任和对销售人员的信任. 根据Doney 和Cannon (1997)的研究我们在个人水平和组织水平上观察信任. 通常情况下, 买方是信任的受体, 但这项研究我们建议以供应商为观察受体. 因此, 它独特的关注了双边角度的知觉风险. 换言之, 供应商和买家一样, 是信任的主体, 因为交易通常是双边的. 从这个角度来看, 供应商对买家信任和买方对供货商的信赖一样重要. 供应商的信任从某种程度上受它信任的买方公司和买家的影响. 这种使用个人水平和组织水平的信任分类是根据Doney 和Cannon (1997)的研究. 信任影响供应商的选择, 这是一项双向放的工作. 供应商们积极参与供应商选择过程中, 和买家密切的一起工作. 此外, 该过程从某种程度上受每一方信任的合作伙伴的影响. 挑选过程包括一些步骤: 识别, 信息检索, 供应商选择和绩效评价. 作为这一进程的结果, 买家和供应商都进行绩效评估, 并就这些结果为基础, 采取有形或无形的纠正行动. 本研究中使用的关于信任的测量问项是根据Mayer, Davis 和 Schoorman (1995) 以及Mayer和Davis (1999)的研究发展起来的. 根据他们的建议, 有关信任的三个方面的研究包括有能力, 善和完整. 根据商业服务这个背景我们调整了原来的问题. 例如, 如 "他/她的专业能力" 已被改为 "当我们讨论我们的产品时销售人员表现出专业能力. "这项研究使用的测量问项不同于在以往的研究中使用的问项（Rotter 1967; Sullivan和Peterson 1982; Dwyer和Oh 1987. 本研究中有关信任的前因后果的测量问项是根据Doney和Cannon (1997)的研究为基础制定的. 根据商业服务这个背景我们调整了原来的问题. 特别是, 问题被设计为对买家和供应商以解决下列因素: 信誉 (诚信, 客户服务, 良好意愿), 市场地位 (公司规模, 市场份额, 在行业中的地位), 愿意定制（产品, 过程, 交付), 信息共享(专有信息, 个人信息), 愿意保持良好关系, 认为专业, 权威授权, 买方与卖方的相似性, 以及接触频率. 作为信任相应的变量, 我们对关系绩效进行了测试. 关系绩效分为有形的影响, 无形影响, 和副作用. 有形的影响包括财务业绩;无形的影响, 包括关系的改善, 网络开发, 以及内部员工的满意度;副作用包括既不是有形影响也不是无形影响的影响. 我们联系了350对公司, 105对公司答复了我们. 由于不完整我们删除了5对公司, 105对公司被用于数据分析. 用于数据分析的回应率为30%(三百五十零分之一百零五), 高于工业营销的平均回复比率. 至于回复的公司的特点, 大多数的公司运作的商业服务既为买方(85.4%)也为供应商(81.8%). 大部分买家是做消费品贸易(76%), 而供应商的大部分(70%)是做工业品贸易. 这可能意味着买家的过程是购入材料, 部件和组件从而生产消费品成品. 正如他们对他们与合作伙伴关系的长度的报告表示, 供应商比买家有更长的商业关系. 假设1测试买方-供应方特点对信任的影响. 销售人员的专业度(t=2.070, p<0.05)和权威授权(t=2.328, p<0.05)积极影响买方对供应方的信任. 另一方面, 权威授权(t=2.192, p<0.05)积极影响供应方对买方的信任. 对买方和供应方来说, 权威授权的程度对保持对彼此的信任有关键作用. 假设2测试买卖双方关系特点对信任的影响. 买家倾向于信任供应方, 因为供应方总是尽全力联系买方(t=2.212, p<0.05)这种倾向性在供应方方面也表现得很强(t=2.591, p<0.01). 另一方面, 供应商对买方的信任是由于供应商感知买家与自己的相似性(t=2.702, p<0.01). 这一发现证实了Crosby, Evans, 和Cowles(1990)的研究结果. 他们的结果表明供应方和买方通过商务或私务的定期会议来建立彼此的联系. 假设3测试信任对感知风险的影响. 结果表明无论对买方还是供应方, 信任越低, 感知风险就越大(买方: t =-6.621, p<0.01; 供应方: t=-2.437, p<0.05). 有趣的是, 这一趋势已被证明对买方更强. 这种较高水平的感知风险的一个可能的解释是在商业服务交易中买方通常比供应方感知到更大的风险. 为此, 有必要对供应商对买方实施减少风险的战略. 假设4测试信任对信息搜集. 根据结果, 对供应方和买方, 与预期相反, 信任取决于他们合作伙伴的名誉(买方t=2.929, p<0.01; 供应方t=2.711, p<0.05). 这一发现表明, 具有良好信誉的供应商往往是可信的. 以往的经验并没有显示出任何与买家或供应商信任的重要关系. 假设5测试信任对供应方/买方选择的影响. 与买方不同, 当供应方认为以往与买方的交易重要时, 供应方倾向信任买方(t=2.913 p<0.01). 但是, 本研究并没有现实资源忠诚和买方对供应方的信任之间有显著关系. 假设6测试的是信任对关系绩效的影响. 对买方和供应方, 当财务表现被报告提高时, 他们比较信任他们的合作伙伴(买方: t=2.301, p<0.05;供应方: t=3.692, p<0.01). 有趣的是, 这种趋势在供应方比较明显. 类似的, 当竞争力被报告提高时, 买卖双方比较信任他们的合作伙伴(买方t=3.563, p<0.01 ; 供应方t=3.042, p<0.01). 对供应方来说, 当对买方信任时效率和生产力会提高(t=2.673, p<0.01). 其他绩效指标与信任没有显著关系. 这项研究结果有一定的战略意义. 首先和最重要的是, 以信任为基础的交易对供应商和买家而言都是有益的. 根据研究证实, 通过努力建立和保持相互信任可以使财务表现提高. 同样, 可以通过同样的努力提高竞争力. 第二, 以信任为基础的交易能够减少购买情况中的感知风险. 这对供应商和买家都有启示. 人们普遍认为, 在一个高度参与的采购情况中买家感知到更高的风险. 为了减少风险, 以往的研究已建议供应商制定降低风险的策略. 而本研究的特点是从双边角度关注知觉风险. 换言之, 供应商也容易存在风险, 特别是当他们提供的服务, 需要非常先进的技术, 操作和维护. 因此, 购买者和供应商必须一起密切合作解决问题. 因此, 相互信任在问题解决过程中起着关键作用. 第三, 在这项研究中发现, 销售人员有更多的授权, 他或她越被信任. 这一发现从战术角度看是非常重要的. 建立信任是一个长期的任务, 然而, 当互信尚未开发, 供应商能够通过授权销售人员做出某些决定来克服遇到的问题, 这一结论也适用于供应商.

• 한국산림과학회지
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• 제54권1호
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• pp.1-24
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• 1981

강원도(江原道)는 관광자원(觀光資源)이 풍부(豊富)하며 태백산맥(太白山脈)을 중심(中心)으로한 산악관광권(山岳觀光圈), 동해안(東海岸)의 해안관광권(海岸觀光圈), 내륙(內陸)의 호수관광권(湖水觀光圈)으로 구분(區分)하고 있다. 동해(東海)의 절경(絶景)을 배경(背景)으로 설악산(雪岳山)과 오태산(五台山)의 국립공원(國立公園)이 있다. 그리고 치악산(雉岳山)의 도립공원(道立公園)이 있다. 북한강상류수계(北漢江上流水系)에는 발전용(發電用)댐건설(建設)로 만수(滿水)된 인공호수(人工湖水)가 연좌(連坐)하고 있어 호수관광권(湖水觀光圈)으로 각광(脚光)을 받고 있다. 본(本) 논문(論文)에서도 강원도행정수도(江原道行政首都)이며 호반(湖畔)의 도시(都市)인 춘천(春川)을 중심(中心)으로 북한강상류수계(北漢江上流水系)에 연좌(連坐)하고 있는 호수단지주변(湖水團地周邊)의 관광자원(觀光資源)을 배경(背景)으로 하여 삼림(森林)의 풍경적시업방안(風景的施業方案)을 모색하고 있다. 본(本) 호수단지(湖水團地)는 하류(下流)로부터 상류(上流)로 향(向)하여 의암호(衣岩湖), 소양호(昭陽湖), 춘천호(春川湖), 파려호(破慮湖)가 자리잡고 있으며 이들 4개(個) 호수(湖水)의 면적(面積)은 $140.4km^2$ 총저수량(總貯水量)은 4,155백만(百萬)$m^3$이다. 그리고 발전량(發電量)은 41만(萬)KW의 시설(施設)을 갖추고 있다. 이들 호수(湖水)를 위적(囲績)하고 있는 삼림면적(森林面積)은 $1,208km^2$에 달(達)한다. 삼림(森林)은 행정적(行政的)으로 시업림(施業林)$745km^2$와 시업제한림(施業制限林) $463km^2$로 구분(區分)하고 있으며 시업제한림(施業制限林)은 개발제한구역(開發制限區域)과 자연환경보전지구내(自然環境保全地區內)에 있는 삼림(森林)과 보안림(保安林)으로 되어 있다. 개발제한구역내(開發制限區域內)에 있는 삼림(森林)은 춘천(春川)을 중심(中心)으로 반경(半徑) 10km이내(以內)에 있는 의암호주변삼림(衣岩湖周邊森林)이며 그 면적(面積)은 $177km^2$이다. 자연환경보전지구내(自然環境保全地區內)의 삼림(森林)은 소양호연안(昭陽湖沿岸)에서 2km의 가시권내(可視圈內)에 설정(設定)되어 있으며 그 면적(面積)은 $165km^2$이다. 보안림(保安林)은 각(各) 호수연안삼림(湖水沿岸森林)에 설정(設定)되어 있으며 입지적여건상(立地的與件上) 수원함양림(水源函養林)이 주종(主宗)이며 그 면적(面積)은 $121km^2$이다. 본(本) 호수단지권내(湖水團地圈內)에는 많은 각승지(各勝地)와 유원지(遊園地) 그리고 문화재(文化財)와 유적지(遺蹟地)가 있어 호수(湖水)와 삼림(森林)과 같이 귀중(貴重)한 관광자원(觀光資源)으로 부상(浮上)되고 있다. 본(本) 호수단지주변삼림(湖水團地周邊森林)은 I~II영급(令級)의 유령림(幼令林)이 전체삼림(全體森林)의 70%를 점(點)하고 있어 ha당(當)축적(蓄積)은 $15m^3$로 탐약(貪弱)하다. 침엽수림(針葉樹林), 활엽수림(濶葉樹林), 혼효림(混淆林)의 면적비율(面積比率)은 35:37:28로 활엽수림(濶葉樹林)의 면적(面積)이 약천(若千) 우위(優位)를 점(點)하고 있다. 소유형태(所有形態)는 국유림(國有林), 도유림(道有林), 군유림(郡有林), 사유림(私有林)으로 되어 있으며 그 비율(比率)은 36:14:5:45로 사유림(私有林)이 약절반(約切半)을 점(點)하고 다음이 국유림(國有林), 도유림(道有林), 군유림(郡有林)의 순(順)으로 되어 있다. 지질(地質)은 모암(母岩)이 화강암(花岡岩) 또는 편마암계(片麻岩系)로서 풍화성(風化性)이 강(强)하고 표토층(表土層)이 척박(瘠薄)함으로 임지비배문제(林地肥培問題)를 염두(念頭)에 두어야 한다. 이상(以上)의 여건(與件)을 토태(土台)로 삼림(森林)의 풍경적시업(風景的施業)의 기본방향(基本方向)을 제시(提示)하면 다음과 같다. 1) 현재(現在) 임분(林分)은 유령림(幼令林)이 대부분(大部分)이고 임지(林地)가 척박(瘠薄)함으로 임지비배(林地肥培)와 임목무육(林木撫育)에 주력(注力)하여 장령림(壯令林)의 경지(境地)로 유도(誘導)할 것. 2) 황폐성미립목지(荒廢性未立木地)와 임간라지(林間裸地)에는 속성수(速成樹)인 리기다소나무, 오리나무 등(等)은 식재(植栽)하여 조속(早速)히 피복녹화(被覆綠化) 시킬 것. 3)계곡부(溪谷部)로서 습윤(濕潤)하고 지미(地味)가 비교적(比較的) 양호(良好)한 라지(裸地)에는 잣나무, 낙엽송, 전나무 등(等)을 식재(植栽)하여 교림(喬林)으로 육성(育成)할 것. 4) 현재(現在) 사유림(私有林)의 침엽수림(針葉樹林)은 적송(赤松)이 주체(主體)가 되어 있다. 적송(赤松)은 양수(陽樹)로서 수원함양기능(水源函養機能)이 적은 위에 현재(現在) 솔잎혹파리의 피해(被害)를 입고 있어 수종갱신(樹種更新)이 불가피(不可避)하다. 그러므로 계곡부(溪谷部)부터 잣나무, 전나무, 가문비나무, 솔송나무 등(等)을 식재(植栽)하에 점차(漸次) 음성(陰性) 침엽수림(針葉樹林)으로 대체(代替)케 할 것. 5) 현재(現在) 활엽수림(濶葉樹林)은 재질면(材質面)에 있어서나 풍치면(風致面)에 있어서 가치성(價値性)이 저렬(低劣)한 잡목(雜木), 관목(灌木) 등(等)이 많으므로 점차(漸次) 이를 제거(除去)하고 참나무, 단풍나무, 물푸레나무, 자작나무, 가래나무등(等)으로 대체(代替)케 할 것. 6) 주변(周邊) 산록부(山麓部)에는 벚나무, 수양버들, 은사시나무, 후박나무, 은행나무, 향나무, 밤나무, 살구나무, 등(等)의 관상수(觀賞樹)를 조화(調和)있게 식재(殖財)할 것. 7) 활엽수림(濶葉樹林)의 갱신(更新)을 중림형(中林型)으로 유도(誘導)하여 상하이단(上下二段)의 임관형(林冠型)의 미(美)를 조성(造成)하는 구역(區域)과 왜림형(矮林型)을 조리(調利)있게 배열(配列)하는 방안(方案)을 모색할 것. 8) 침엽수림(針葉樹林)의 갱신(更新)은 택벌작업(擇伐作業) 또는 산벌작업(傘伐作業)에 의(依)해 풍치보전(風致保全)을 기(期)할 것. 9) 혼효림(混淆林)은 상목(上木)은 침엽수(針葉樹)를 하목(下木)은 활엽수(濶葉樹)로 하는 중림형(中林型)의 풍치(風致)를 보존(保存)토록 할 것. 요(要)컨대 호수(湖水)의 우아(優雅)한 여성미(女性美)와 삼림(森林)의 호장웅대(豪壯雄大)한 남성미(男性美)가 조화(調和)되어 자연(自然)의 심오(深奧)한 신비성(神秘性)을 간직하는데 역점(力點)을 두어 궁극적(窮極的)으로는 삼림(森林)을 배경(背景)으로한 호수관광권(湖水觀光圈)의 면모(面貌)를 갖추는데 초점(焦點)을 둘 것이다.