This paper discusses the social changes in the late 19th century that provided a historical background in the appearance of the ready-to-wear clothing in the West. It examines the social meanings of the appearance of the ready-to-wear clothing at the time and traces the origins of these social characteristics to the book published in the $16^{th}$ century by Thomas More, Utopia. The results of this study can be summarized as the following. First, the appearance and expansion of the ready-to-wear clothing coincided with the social transition from a class-based society to a democratic society in the west in the $19^{th}$ century. Second, uniforms were produced in the $18^{th}$ century Europe in order to distinguish different classes and ethnic groups, with the military uniforms being the most visible example. Frequent military campaigns in Europe resulted in the increasing demand and expansion of military uniforms, which later became the basis of the standardization of the men's clothing with uniforms. Third, the women's ready-to-wear clothing appeared later than their male counterpart and was made possible by the simplification of design, an important characteristic of women's wear in the later period. Fourth, the social characteristics of the ready-to-wear clothing can be traced to a democratic and egalitarian society without personal properties that was depicted in the book of Utopia by Thomas More. Fifth, one of the characteristics of the ready-to-wear clothing can be found in the description of Utopia, in which everyone in Utopia wears a clothing of the same form for life.
Journal of Fisheries and Marine Sciences Education
/
v.9
no.2
/
pp.121-148
/
1997
The Japanese fishery management system has been established on the basis of various experience accumulated over many years. The fishery management system in Japan, one of the oldest fishery management systems in the world, is aimed at ensuring comprehensive utilization of the water surface and developing fishery productivity, by giving protection of the breeding environment of aquatic animals and plants, enabling the appropriate use of fishery grounds, preventing and solving disputes over fishery grounds and making other fishery adjustments. Japanese Fishery Law has been changed largely into (1) The Feudal Era(to 1900), (2) The Oldest Fishey Law(1901~48), (3) Current Fishery Law(1949 to present). Japanese fishery legislation is designed as a single package combining coastal, offshore and distant-water fisheries. During the period of the old fishery law, numerous conflicts arose over the joint use of fishing grounds and fish stocks. Such conflicts occurred among users of the same gear as well as between users of different gears or of different sizes of fishing craft. Large scale conflict sometime occurred between neighbouring fishing communities due to a lack of fairness in principle and coordination in practice. Therefore, the new fishery law enacted in 1949. This law was designed primarily to realize the most effective and rational use of fishing grounds and fishery resources, the basic philosophy being that, through democratic organization by fishermen themselves, productivity would be stimulated and incomes and living standards eventually improved. Nowadays, Community Based Fisheries Management through democratic organization by fishermen themselves have to enforce at coastal fisheries. This Community Based Fisheries Management manage to fishery resources by fishermen themselves and harvest in collaboration with that resources. Therefore, this paper is intended to briefly to describe the entire system and the historical development of Japanese fishery legislation in order to assist in reform of our country fisheries management regime.
Bring this analysis down to people-centered development perspective and looking through democratization in the Philippines, Thailand and Indonesia, we find similarities and differences among them related with the intensity of conflicts between development and human rights in the process of democratization in line with global transformation. Civil society in the Philippines criticized the developmental path in the Philippines which failed to implement land reform and eradication of poverty under the transition from 'patrimonial oligarchy' to democracy. In Thailand the coalition of military and the royalists had consolidated its power since Sarit military regime, which later paved the way 'hybrid oligarchy' era. Most Thai civil society organizations has regarded their developmental experience rather as 'maldevelopment' which disregarded economic and social rights. It has been especially believed by Thai localists that the stimulation of local markets and the building of autonomic community society will form the alternative economy without going against the conservative banner of nation, religion and king. Thaksin as a populist successfully took advantage of Thai localist ethos in favour of taking the seat of power. He projected himself as a modernizer focused on economic growth and cleaner politics. However Thaksin's procedural legitimacy was overthrown by counterattacking from military-royalist alliance, pretexting that Thaksin caused internal conflicts and lacked morality. Soeharto's New Order regime which can be called 'administrative oligarchy' had an antipathy towards notions of economic and social rights as well as civil and political rights. In spite of the fact that the fall of Soeharto opened the political space for democratic civil society organizations which had long struggled with development aggression and human rights abuses, there have been continuously a strong political and military reaction against human rights activists, NGOs and ethnic minorities such as Aceh and Papua. Nevertheless, Indonesian democracy is more promising than Philippine's and Thai democracy in terms of comparatively less pre-modern legacies.
South Korea has achieved remarkable social and economic development together with the process of democratization over the past 20 years. In the democratic process in South Korea, ordinary people have actively participated in conventional political activities such as elections. But recently, one of the salient phenomena is that the public have been showing political apathy associated with a light poll. Especially, the most serious concern in the political environment of South Korea is that young voters (e.g., 20-30s) have serious political apathy leading to low voter turnout. Regarding this concern, many political scientists argued that this political phenomenon is not only the case in South Korea, insisting that many consolidated democratic countries such as European countries and the US have the same problems. However, South Korea has contained different factors (e.g., historical, culture, social, and political differences) leading to political apathy and light poll. Unfortunately, no one has clearly explain the phenomenon. In fact, in order for scholars to understand and explain these concerns, they should carefully look at the phenomenon with diverse perspectives and approaches. The main purpose of this paper is to explain why the digital generation has political apathy and are reluctant to participate in political activities such as voting. Using causal loop analysis which is based on systematic thinking, we not only analyzed the pattern of the digital generation' political participation with regard to diverse perspectives, but also attempted to draw new political implications from the analysis. Based on our analysis, we tried to suggest some implications for political stability and development in South Korea in the future.
This paper examines the American role in shaping South Korean nation-building during the early Cold War by considering how the United States attempted to form South Korea's education and how Koreans responded to these efforts. It looks at education as an arena where "American" ideas such as democracy and liberalism were received, transformed, and utilized by Koreans. This study pays particular attention to the gap between American intentions and Korean expectations, as well as to the competition between American and Japanese systems, which explains the contradictory role America played in South Korean nation-building. In order to better assess the role of the United States in shaping South Korean education, this article considers the complex dynamics between the Japanese legacies, American influence, and Korean actors. Americans had exerted a great effect on Korean education since the beginning of their relationship. American missionaries, U.S. military government, and educational mission teams had all contributed to the expansion of educational opportunities for Koreans. Through the educational institutions that they established or helped establish, Americans tried to spread "their" ideas. In this process, Americans had to struggle with two obstacles: Korean nationalism and the legacies of Japanese colonialism. Many Koreans used American missionary schools for their own purposes and resisted U.S. military government's policies which ignored their desire for self-determination. American education missions had limited effect on Korean education due to the heterogeneous Japanese system that was still influencing South Korea even after liberation. The ways in which Americans have influenced the democratization of South Korea have not been simple. Although "American" democratic ideas reached Koreans through various routes, Koreans understood the "American" idea within their own historical context and in a way that fit their existing socio-political relations. Oftentimes suspicious of "American" democracy, Koreans developed their own concept of democracy. The overall American influence on Korean democratization, as well as on Korean education, was important but limited. While Americans helped Koreans build educational infrastructure and tried to transfer democratic ideas through it, Koreans actors and Japanese colonial legacies limited its impact.
This study aims to illustrate the national images of United Kingdom, France, and Germany based on the descriptions in the Korean middle school Social Studies textbooks in comparative perspective. In order to identify and compare the national images of the three countries, the author uses a framework for analysis consisting cognitive, normative, and relational factors. The main findings are as follows. First, the most frequently shown topics and issues are democratic institutions in the case of United Kingdom, respect for human rights in the case of France, and sustainable environment in the case of Germany. Second, for all the three countries, the most frequent factor among the three is cognitive one, followed by normative and then relational factors. Third, United Kingdom is described as a country of social unrest and conflict as well as a democratic country with long history and tradition. Fourth, France is described as a country of respect/abuse of human rights, potential for high tech industry, and largest agricultural state in Europe. Fifth, Germany is described more as a country of a leading country for global environmental protection than as a country with electronic and information technology.
Originally confucianism is closer to communitarianism than to individualism. The ideal of confucianism is to realize ethical community. Chu Hsi's theory of the Song dynasty reestablishes the ideal of ethical community and dignitaries(士大夫) take the job to realize it as their own vocation. There are many developed 'family clans and kinsfolk societies', 'local covenants and sacred storehouses' and 'private academies' in the Chosun dynasty as in the Song dynasty. These communities are three kinds of axial confucian community, which are both natural ascriptive groups and voluntary contract groups in nature. Communities of Chosun dynasty are to strengthen the solidarity through friendship and mutual help as well as to cultivate good customs in society. Also these traditional communities are managed by democratic procedures, as these are originally voluntary contract groups. On the other hand, traditional neo-confucian self-training theories like that individual personality should be harmony with general order, or one should pursuit his private interest according to fair principles are the process of sublimation private individual into public citizen.
Nanotechnology is now widely believed to be one of the most influential techno-sciences of the future. Or at least it is believed that way in most of industrial countries including South Korea. Naturally, the governments of these industrial countries are currently investing a sizable portion of their human and material resources in order to go ahead in this prominent area of research. Consequently, nanotechnology in these countries has become one of the social sectors where reasonable accountability is normally called for. I claim that reasonable accountability of nanotechnology should take into account the risk-perception of citizens as regards nanotechnology as well as its risk itself. Risk-perception could be variable, changeable, and prone to be polarized; still we should pay more attention to public risk-perception because it is clearly effective in mobilizing public movements, objective in the intersubjective way, and legitimate in a democratic society.
Journal of The Korean Association For Science Education
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v.11
no.2
/
pp.79-85
/
1991
According to the rapid change of the modern society, science & technology influences the society significantly. Thus, Korean education, especially the science education must be reviewed in the terms of that, the purpose of this article is to introduce social, environmental context's science education-STS education. STS education is to arise the ability of the democratic decision-making & participating in a discussion. The areas of this are knowledge, process, creativity, attitude, application. Also there are social issues approach & the social studies of science approach in the STS education. The social issues approach is the predominant approach to STS education; the social studies of science approach is often found in the form of goals & objectives for STS education. In order to introduce STS education to Korean science education,this author suggests the following; 1. The relation between science & society in science education must be emphasized more. 2. The study and development of STS education appropriate for Korean society must be preceded. 3. The new course about STS and technical education in the level of college must be developed.
The ultimate purpose of this study is to revitalize the fishing community as the basis for the revival of the fisheries industry. The types of Eochon-Gye acceptance were analyzed as a basic study to achieve this purpose. According to the results of the study, it turned out that the head and the member of the Eochon-Gye had the same three Eochon-Gye acceptance types; that is, democratic, decision-making, and separatist types. However, the Eochon-Gye acceptance types by two groups differed in detail, even though they were named by the same names. Therefore, in order to devise an effective revitalization plan of the fishing community, it is necessary to reflect the detailed characteristics of each Eochon-Gye acceptance type owned by the two groups.
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