• Title/Summary/Keyword: the 19th century

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A study on heritagization of food culture and its utilization and value enhancement through the case of the Gastronomic meal of the French (프랑스 미식 문화의 사례를 통해 본 음식 문화의 유산화(heritagization)와 활용 및 가치증진에 관한 연구)

  • PARK Ji Eun
    • Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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    • v.55 no.4
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    • pp.296-312
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    • 2022
  • This paper examines the concept and process of heritagization, as well as other measures for the value enhancement of food culture as heritage, through the case of the gastronomic meal of the French, which has a long history as a socially constructed heritage. Heritage refers to what a society perceives as worthy of being transmitted. Thus, a heritage is something that a society or group chooses to preserve and that represents its identity. In the 19th century, France began to designate and protect heritage through a policy of preserving historical monuments, and heritage became both a social construct and creation with the purpose of preserving and enhancing values. Interest in heritage spread around the world with globalization, and has grown even greater since the 1972 UNESCO Convention. This interest has progressively extended to nature, urban landscapes and intangible cultural heritage. In 2003, the UNESCO Convention for the Protection of the Intangible Cultural Heritage was adopted, and this has strengthened the interest in intangible cultural heritage worldwide. Food-related heritage has been excluded from the list due to difficulties in establishing inscription criteria and concerns about the potential commercialization of heritage. However, in 2010, the food cultures of the Mediterranean, Mexico, and France were inscribed on UNESCO's Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, which prompted interest in food culture and efforts to inscribe the food heritage of a number of other countries, including Korea. France has a long history of interest in gastronomy as a cultural heritage and part of its national identity. Efforts to preserve and popularize gastronomy as a part of the national identity and heritage have been made at both the private level, by gourmets and associations, and at the governmental level. Through these efforts, the culture of gastronomy as a heritage has been firmly established through theoretical discussion, listing of food-related heritages, and policies. Sustainable development of the heritage is pursued through certain ongoing institutional approaches, including the City of Gastronomy network, the National Food Program, and the promotion and labeling of the Year of the French Gourmet.

Application of Digital Content Technology for Veterans Diplomacy (디지털 콘텐츠 기술을 활용한 보훈외교의 발전 방향)

  • So, Byungsoo;Park, Hyungi
    • Journal of Public Diplomacy
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    • v.3 no.2
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    • pp.35-52
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    • 2023
  • Korea has developed as an influential country over Asia and all over the world based on remarkable economic development. And the background of this development was possible due to the existence of those who sacrificed precious lives and contributed to the nation's existence in the past crisis. Every year, Korea holds an annual commemorative event with people of national merit, Korean War veterans, and their families, expressing gratitude for sacrifices and contributions at home and abroad, and providing economic support. The tragedy of the Korean War and the pro-democracy movement in Korea over the past half century will one day become a history of the distant past over time. As generations change and the purpose and method of exchange by region change, the tragic situation that occurred earlier and the way people sacrificed for the country are expected to be different from before. In particular, it is true that the number of Korean War veterans and their families is gradually decreasing as they are now old. In addition, due to the outbreak of global infectious diseases such as COVID-19, it is difficult to plan and conduct face to face events as well as before. Currently, Korea's digital technology is introducing various methods. 5G communication networks, smart-phones, tablet PCs, and smart devices that can experience virtual reality are already used in our real lives. Business meetings are held in a metaverse environment, and concerts by famous singers are held in an online environment. Artificial intelligence technology has also been introduced in the field of human resource recruitment and customer response services, improving the work efficiency of companies. And it seems that this technology can be used in the field of veterans. In particular, there is a metaverse technology that can vividly show the situation during the Korean War, and a way to digitalize the voices and facial expressions of currently surviving veterans to convey their memories and lessons to future generations in the long run. If this digital technology method is realized on an online platform to hold a veterans' celebration event, veterans and their families on the other side of the world will be able to participate in the event more conveniently.

Clinical Results Following Early Tailoring Thoracoplasty in Patients Undergoing Pulmonary Resection (폐의 부분절제수술를 시술받은 환자에서 조기 변형식 흉곽성형수술에 따른 임상결과)

  • Choi, Soon-Ho;Cha, Byung-Ki;Lee, Mi-Kyung;Park, Kwon-Jae;Lee, Sam-Youn;Choi, Jong-Bum
    • Journal of Chest Surgery
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    • v.40 no.7 s.276
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    • pp.485-491
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    • 2007
  • Background: Thoracoplasty has become a rarity in current clinical practice, although it has been widely employed for well over a century as a procedure for reducing the capacity of the thoracic cavity. Yet we have perform tailoring thoracoplasty following or concomitant with pulmonary resection in 20 patients. The aim of this study is to evaluate the early and late clinical results and also the significance of tailoring thoracoplasty. Material and Method: From March 1995 to June 2005, modified thoracoplasty following or concomitant with pulmonary resection was performed in 20 patients out of a total of 298 pulmonary resections for closing air leaks and for treating persistent pleural space following pulmonary resections, and to tailor the thoracic cavity to accept a diminished lung volume. Of the 20 patients, 14 patients had tailoring thoracoplasty performed concomitant with pulmonary resection, and the remaining 6 patients also had tailoring thoracoplasty performed following pulmonary resection. The subjects ages ranged from 24 to 77 (mean $59.1{\pm}6.4$) and a male preponderance was noted (17 : 3); the number of left and right surgeries was equal. The preoperative primary underlying diseases were lung cancer in 7 patients, pneumothorax with giant bullous change in 6 patients, bronchiectasis in 2 patients, previous pulmonary tuberculosis associated with aspergilloma in 2 patients, empyema with fibrothorax in 2 patients and multiple lung abscesses & destruction due to previous trauma in 1 patient. The operative methods were apicolysis and subperiosteal removal of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th ribs (the costochondral junction to the posterior portions of the ribs) with preservation of the first rib and compression of the anterior chest via cotton bags and elastic bandages. Result: The mean duration of the air leaks after thoracoplasty was $1.6{\pm}0.2$ days (range: $0{\sim}7$ days) and the mean duration of an indwelling chest tube was 7 days (range: $5{\sim}11$ days); the mean duration of hospitalization was $19.2{\pm}2.8$ days (range: $8{\sim}47$ days). The postoperative complications were wound infection (2) and pneumonia (2); reoperation was done due to bleeding (1) in one patient who underwent concomitant thoracoplasty and there was 1 case of wound infection (1) after postresection thoracoplasty. The mortality was 1 patient in the early phase and 4 patients in the late phase. Conclusion: We conclude that tailoring thoracoplasty may be performed to close anticipated persistent pleural spaces and to accommodate the diminished lung volume with acceptable cosmetic results when this procedure is combined with pulmonary resection in selected patients.

Seongdam Song Hwan-gi's Understanding of Buddhism (성담(性潭) 송환기(宋煥箕)의 불교인식)

  • Kim, Jong-soo
    • Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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    • v.38
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    • pp.209-242
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    • 2021
  • This manuscript started with the purpose of producing research that investigated and verified how Buddhism was understood by Seongdam (性潭) Song Hwan-gi (宋煥箕), the founder (宗匠) of Horon (湖論) who was active around the early 19 th century. Song Hwan-gi, Uam (尤菴) Song Si-yeol (宋時烈)'s fifth generation, was a scholar who had a deep sense of duty to inherit the Theory of Uam (尤菴學), and he adhered to the Confucian theory of genealogy (道統論) and Anti-Heresy Discourses. Thus, this manuscript expressed curiosity about Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism, which was the representative heresy. This manuscript examined the naming method of Buddhist clergy (僧侶), degree of pedagogical knowledge, and critical statements that were made concerning Buddhist tales (說話). Meanwhile, it is noticeable that the terms of address for Buddhist clergy were composed of four categories: general terms, honorific forms, palanquins [輿], and miscellaneous terms of address. This scheme conforms to the Buddhist-friendly aspects of Song Hwan-gi. Examples of these terms of address include Danseung (擔僧) and Yeoseung (輿僧), both of which were Buddhist clergy who carried palanquins. Naturally, Song Hwan-gi was helped by Buddhist clergy when he went sightseeing on famous mountains. In the meantime, Song Hwan-gi's pedagogical knowledge can be shown to be not especially profound based on his understanding of The Diamond Sutra, The Avatamska Sutra, and The Shurangama Sutra. Cheongnyansan Travel Records (淸凉山遊覽錄) and Dongyu Diary (東遊日記) make it clear that Song Hwan-gi had no interest in taking refuge in the three treasures of Buddhism (佛法僧 三寶). It is rather the case that he was deeply critical of Buddhism. On the other hand, Song Hwan-gi expressed profound sadness when he encountered the dilapidated remains (古蹟) of Buddhist temples and hermitages. Consequentially, it can be concluded that Song Hwan-gi's understanding of Buddhism contained examples of affirmation, acceptance, denial, and exclusion.

Frege's Critiques of Cantor - Mathematical Practices and Applications of Mathematics (프레게의 칸토르 비판 - 수학적 실천과 수학의 적용)

  • Park, Jun-Yong
    • Journal for History of Mathematics
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    • v.22 no.3
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    • pp.1-30
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    • 2009
  • Frege's logicism has been frequently regarded as a development in number theory which succeeded to the so called arithmetization of analysis in the late 19th century. But it is not easy for us to accept this opinion if we carefully examine his actual works on real analysis. So it has been often argued that his logicism was just a philosophical program which had not contact with any contemporary mathematical practices. In this paper I will show that these two opinions are all ill-founded ones which are due to the misunderstanding of the theoretical place of Frege's logicism in the context of contemporary mathematical practices. Firstly, I will carefully examine Cantorian definition of real numbers and Frege's critiques of it. On the basis of this, I will show that Frege's aim was to produce the purely logical definition of ratios of quantities. Secondly, I will consider the mathematical background of Frege's logicism. On the basis of this, I will show that his standpoint in real analysis was much subtler than what we used to expect. On the one hand, unlike Weierstrass and Cantor, Frege wanted to get such real analysis that could be universally applicable. On the other hand, unlike most mathematicians who insisted on the traditional conceptions, he would not depend upon any geometrical considerations in establishing real analysis. Thirdly, I will argue that Frege regarded these two aspects - the independence from geometry and the universal applicability - as those which characterized logic itself and, by logicism, arithmetic itself. And I will show that his conception of real numbers as ratios of quantities stemmed from his methodological maxim according to which the nature of numbers should be explained by the common roles they played in various contexts to which they applied, and that he thought that the universal applicability of numbers could not be adequately explicated without such an explanation.

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Enjoyment Culture of Garden through Poet(詩) and Text(書), Painting(畵) in the 18·19th Century, Hanyang(漢陽) (시(詩)·서(書)·화(畵)를 통해 본 18·19세기 한양(漢陽)의 원림 향유문화)

  • Kim, Dong-Hyun;Choi, Jong-Hee
    • Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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    • v.33 no.2
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    • pp.36-48
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    • 2015
  • This study aims to contemplated the enjoying culture of Gyeonghwasejok's garden in late Joseon dynasty. It was track down the behavior from cultural perspective by using recorded in literature. The results were as follows. First, Gyeonghwasejok was the main principal of the garden at Hanyang in Joseon Dynasty. There are established residence in the downtown and make a garden. Garden organizer recognized to fine conditions of residences even crowded downtown. As a result people tried to include habitation and garden culture for preserve their cultural benefit. Secondly, Seongsisanrim culture has appeared of common in site selection of garden for occupies the scenic beauty. Garden was surrounded by scenic beauty. Garden organizer was formed archival culture for owning the beautiful landscape through creation of guguk(九曲), designation of space and lettering on rocks. Thirdly, Formation of the collection culture was placed of various ornaments inside garden. A behaviour of landscape view and ornaments appreciation led to the archival culture such as Won-rim-gi(園林記) and essay(小品文). Moreover, hold a friendship meeting for sharing garden culture. Fourthly, Attention of flowering plants was extended to development of gardening hobby such as fashion of pot-planting, planted to exotic tree. It was know that the plants are recognized as favorite elements by target of appreciation according to introduction of plants inside garden. In addition, facility of horticulture and kitchen garden were placed inside garden. Fifth, Influx of chinese garden culture influenced construction of garden space in late Joseon dynasty. Garden organizer recognizes garden as a ideal space by garden aesthetics that Hojungcheonji(壺中天地). And the imitation of Chinese garden culture such as collecting of Chinese's ornaments has become a high-level culture.

The Characteristics and Operation System of the Staff Officials at Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) in the Late Joseon Period - Based on Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan) Kept at Jangseogak Archives (조선 후기 종부사(宗簿寺) 낭청(郎廳)의 실태 및 운영체계 - 장서각 소장 『종부사낭청선생안(宗簿寺郎廳先生案)』을 중심으로 -)

  • Kim, Dong-geun
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.69
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    • pp.83-114
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    • 2017
  • The purpose of this article is to analyze the standings of working-level officials belonging to Jongbusi (Court of the Royal Clan) holding the rank of "jeong" and below between the 18th and mid-19th Century. Jongbusi, which was headed by a Grade-3 official, was in charge of the compilation of royal genealogy and supervision of royal relatives. During the late Joseon Period, its officials were composed of its chief, jeong, jubu (Grade-6 official), and jikjang (Grade-7 official). By 1864, it was incorporated into Jongchinbu (Office of the Royal Relatives). Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan (Register of Staff Officials at the Court of the Royal Clan), which is preserved at the Jangseogak Archives of the Academy of Korean Studies, lists the officials who served at the office between 1794 and its incorporation into Jongchinbu in 1864. The register also includes the officials' ranks, names, DOBs, family clans, their ranks in the offices they were transferred from, their ranks in the office they were transferred to, etc. Those interested view it as a precious relic that provides valuable information on the officialdom of the dynasty. A majority of the officials who served at Jongbusi were those who passed the higher civil service examination. Many of them at the level of jikjang were those who passed the licentiate examination. Their designation as an official was part of the "muneum" system, which granted official posts to descendants of those who accomplished a distinguished service for the country or served as a high-ranking official. They were those transferred from equal or lower positions in another office. Many of jubu-level officials of Jongbusi were those transferred from honorable and important posts of other offices or local administrative offices. Many of jikjang-level officials of Jongbusi were those who previously served as dosa (assistant officials) at Uigeumbu (Bureau of Crime Investigation) headed by a Grade-1 official. The officials' transfer to an office with a lower position like Jongbusi appears to have been for the provision of placing them in working-level positions rather than letting them remain in positions only carrying an honorary title. As for the transfer of officials of Jongbusi to other offices, many of those with the rank of jeong were transferred to lower positions. Supposedly it was because not many Grade-3 positions were vacant. Many of them were transferred to honorable and important posts. Some of them were also transferred to positions at local government offices, supposedly to avoid an excess of personnel at the central government. Those at the level of jubu or jikjang of Jongbusi were transferred to equal or higher posts in other offices. Particularly, most of those holding the position of jikjang (Grade-7) were transferred to higher posts. The family clan that produced the largest number (10%) of Jongbusi officials was the Jeonju Yi Clan, which produced the largest number of those who passed the higher civil service examination. It was also found that the top 20 family clans produced about half of the entirety of Jongbusi officials. According to the aforesaid Jongbusi nangcheong seonsaengan, about 90% of the cases of promotion of Jongbusi officials occurred after the revision of Seonwon boryak (Royal Genealogy of the Joseon Dynasty). It is speculated that the supervision of royal family members, one of the two leading functions assigned to Jongbusi, was suspended in the late Joseon Period. The relevant function does not appear even in chronicles pertaining to the Joseon Dynasty. The reason being had something to do with the sharp decrease in the number of royal family members during the reign of King Injo (r. 1623-1649). Their number was decreased to the extent that royal ceremonies could not be adequately carried out. Naturally, the meaning of supervising royal family members faded. Witnessing such a sorry state of the royal family, Heungseon Daewongun, King Gojong's father who served as the regent, incorporated Jongbusi into Jongchinbu in an effort to enhance the status and authority of the royal family.

A study on the Greeting's Types of Ganchal in Joseon Dynasty (간찰(簡札)의 안부인사(安否人事)에 대한 유형(類型) 연구(硏究))

  • Jeon, Byeong-yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.57
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    • pp.467-505
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    • 2014
  • I am working on a series of Korean linguistic studies targeting Ganchal(old typed letters in Korea) for many years and this study is for the typology of the [Safety Expression] as the part. For this purpose, [Safety Expression] were divided into a formal types and semantic types, targeting the Chinese Ganchal and Hangul Ganchal of modern Korean Language time(16th century-19th century). Formal types can be divided based on whether Normal position or not, whether Omission or not, whether the Sending letter or not, whether the relationship of the high and the low or not. Normal position form and completion were made the first type which reveal well the typicality of the [Safety Expression]. Original position while [Own Safety] omitted as the second type, while Original position while [Opposite Safety] omitted as the third type, Original position while [Safety Expression] omitted as the fourth type. Inversion type were made as the fifth type which is the most severe solecism in [Safety Expression]. The first type is refers to Original position type that [Opposite Safety] precede the [Own Safety] and the completion type that is full of semantic element. This type can be referred to most typical and normative in that it equipped all components of [Safety Expression]. A second type is that [Safety Expression] is composed of only the [Opposite Safety]. This type is inferior to the first type in terms of set pattern, it is never outdone when it comes to the appearance frequency. Because asking [Opposite Safety] faithfully, omitting [Own Safety] dose not greatly deviate politeness and easy to write Ganchal, it is utilized. The third type is the Original position type showing the configuration of the [Opposite Safety]+Own Safety], but [Opposite Safety] is omitted. The fourth type is a Original position type showing configuration of the [Opposite Safety+Own Safety], but [Safety Expression] is omitted. This type is divided into A ; [Safety Expression] is entirely omitted and B ; such as 'saving trouble', the conventional expression, replace [Safety Expression]. The fifth type is inversion type that shown to structure of the [Own Safety+Opposite Safety], unlike the Original position type. This type is the most severe solecism type and real example is very rare. It is because let leading [Own Safety] and ask later [Opposite Safety] for face save is offend against common decency. In addition, it can be divided into the direct type that [Opposite Safety] and [Own Safety] is directly connected and indirect type that separate into the [story]. The semantic types of [Safety Expression] can be classified based on whether Sending letter or not, fast or slow, whether intimate or not, and isolation or not. For Sending letter, [Safety Expression] consists [Opposite Safety(Climate+Inquiry after health+Mental state)+Own safety(status+Inquiry after health+Mental state)]. At [Opposite safety], [Climate] could be subdivided as [Season] information and [Climate(weather)] information. Also, [Mental state] is divided as receiver's [Family Safety Mental state] and [Individual Safety Mental state]. In [Own Safety], [Status] is divided as receiver's traditional situation; [Recent condition] and receiver's ongoing situation; [Present condition]. [Inquiry after health] is also subdivided as receiver's [Family Safety] and [Individual Safety], [Safety] is as [Family Safety] and [Individual Safety]. Likewise, [Inquiry after health] or [Safety] is usually used as pairs, in dimension of [Family] and [Individual]. This phenomenon seems to have occurred from a big family system, which is defined as taking care of one's parents or grand parents. As for the Written Reply, [Safety Expression] consists [Opposite Safety (Reception+Inquiry after health+Mental state)+Own safety(status+Inquiry after health+Mental state)], and only in [Opposite safety], a difference in semantic structure happens with Sending letter. In [Opposite Safety], [Reception] is divided as [Letter] which is Ganchal that is directly received and [Message], which is news that is received indirectly from people. [Safety] is as [Family Safety] and [Individual Safety], [Mental state] also as [Family Safety Mental state] and [Individual Safety Mental state].

A Study on the Forest Land System in the YI Dynasty (이조시대(李朝時代)의 임지제도(林地制度)에 관(關)한 연구(硏究))

  • Lee, Mahn Woo
    • Journal of Korean Society of Forest Science
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    • v.22 no.1
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    • pp.19-48
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    • 1974
  • Land was originally communized by a community in the primitive society of Korea, and in the age of the ancient society SAM KUK-SILLA, KOKURYOE and PAEK JE-it was distributed under the principle of land-nationalization. But by the occupation of the lands which were permitted to transmit from generation to generation as Royal Grant Lands and newly cleared lands, the private occupation had already begun to be formed. Thus the private ownership of land originated by chiefs of the tribes had a trend to be gradually pervaded to the communal members. After the, SILLA Kingdom unified SAM KUK in 668 A.D., JEONG JEON System and KWAN RYO JEON System, which were the distribution systems of farmlands originated from the TANG Dynasty in China, were enforced to established the basis of an absolute monarchy. Even in this age the forest area was jointly controlled and commonly used by village communities because of the abundance of area and stocked volume, and the private ownership of the forest land was prohibited by law under the influence of the TANG Dynasty system. Toward the end of the SILLA Dynasty, however, as its centralism become weak, the tendency of the private occupancy of farmland by influential persons was expanded, and at the same time the occupancy of the forest land by the aristocrats and Buddhist temples began to come out. In the ensuing KORYO Dynasty (519 to 1391 A.D.) JEON SI KWA System under the principle of land-nationalization was strengthened and the privilege of tax collection was transferred to the bureaucrats and the aristocrats as a means of material compensation for them. Taking this opportunity the influential persons began to expand their lands for the tax collection on a large scale. Therefore, about in the middle of 11th century the farmlands and the forest lands were annexed not only around the vicinity of the capital but also in the border area by influential persons. Toward the end of the KORYO Dynasty the royal families, the bureaucrats and the local lords all possessed manors and occupied the forest lands on a large scale as a part of their farmlands. In the KORYO Dynasty, where national economic foundation was based upon the lands, the disorder of the land system threatened the fall of the Dynasty and so the land reform carried out by General YI SEONG-GYE had led to the creation of ensuing YI Dynasty. All systems of the YI Dynasty were substantially adopted from those of the KORYO Dynasty and thereby KWA JEON System was enforced under the principle of land-nationalization, while the occupancy or the forest land was strictly prohibited, except the national or royal uses, by the forbidden item in KYEONG JE YUK JEON SOK JEON, one of codes provided by the successive kings in the YI Dynasty. Thus the basis of the forest land system through the YI Dynasty had been established, while the private forest area possessed by influential persons since the previous KORYO Dynasty was preserved continuously under the influence of their authorities. Therefore, this principle of the prohibition was nothing but a legal fiction for the security of sovereign powers. Consequently the private occupancy of the forest area was gradually enlarged and finally toward the end of YI Dynasty the privately possessed forest lands were to be officially authorized. The forest administration systems in the YI Dynasty are summarized as follows: a) KEUM SAN and BONG SAN. Under the principle of land-nationalization by a powerful centralism KWA JEON System was established at the beginning of the YI Dynasty and its government expropriated all the forests and prohibited strictly the private occupation. In order to maintain the dignity of the royal capital, the forests surounding capital areas were instituted as KEUM SAN (the reserved forests) and the well-stocked natural forest lands were chosen throughout the nation by the government as BONG SAN(national forests for timber production), where the government nominated SAN JIK(forest rangers) and gave them duties to protect and afforest the forests. This forest reservation system exacted statute labors from the people of mountainious districts and yet their commons of the forest were restricted rigidly. This consequently aroused their strong aversion against such forest reservation, therefore those forest lands were radically spoiled by them. To settle this difficult problem successive kings emphasized the preservation of the forests repeatedly, and in KYEONG KUK DAI JOEN, the written constitution of the YI Dynasty, a regulation for the forest preservation was provided but the desired results could not be obtained. Subsequently the split of bureaucrats with incessant feuds among politicians and scholars weakened the centralism and moreover, the foreign invasions since 1592 made the national land devasted and the rural communities impoverished. It happned that many wandering peasants from rural areas moved into the deep forest lands, where they cultivated burnt fields recklessly in the reserved forest resulting in the severe damage of the national forests. And it was inevitable for the government to increase the number of BONG SAN in order to solve the problem of the timber shortage. The increase of its number accelerated illegal and reckless cutting inevitably by the people living mountainuos districts and so the government issued excessive laws and ordinances to reserve the forests. In the middle of the 18th century the severe feuds among the politicians being brought under control, the excessive laws and ordinances were put in good order and the political situation became temporarily stabilized. But in spite of those endeavors evil habitudes of forest devastation, which had been inveterate since the KORYO Dynasty, continued to become greater in degree. After the conclusion of "the Treaty of KANG WHA with Japan" in 1876 western administration system began to be adopted, and thereafter through the promulgation of the Forest Law in 1908 the Imperial Forests were separated from the National Forests and the modern forest ownership system was fixed. b) KANG MU JANG. After the reorganization of the military system, attaching importance to the Royal Guard Corps, the founder of the YI Dynasty, TAI JO (1392 to 1398 A.D.) instituted the royal preserves-KANG MU JANG-to attain the purposes for military training and royal hunting, prohibiting strictly private hunting, felling and clearing by the rural inhabitants. Moreover, the tyrant, YEON SAN (1495 to 1506 A.D.), expanded widely the preserves at random and strengthened its prohibition, so KANG MU JANG had become the focus of the public antipathy. Since the invasion of Japanese in 1592, however, the innovation of military training methods had to be made because of the changes of arms and tactics, and the royal preserves were laid aside consequently and finally they had become the private forests of influential persons since 17th century. c) Forests for official use. All the forests for official use occupied by government officies since the KORYO Dynasty were expropriated by the YI Dynasty in 1392, and afterwards the forests were allotted on a fixed standard area to the government officies in need of firewoods, and as the forest resources became exhausted due to the depredated forest yield, each office gradually enlarged the allotted area. In the 17th century the national land had been almost devastated by the Japanese invasion and therefore each office was in the difficulty with severe deficit in revenue, thereafter waste lands and forest lands were allotted to government offices inorder to promote the land clearing and the increase in the collections of taxes. And an abuse of wide occupation of the forests by them was derived and there appeared a cause of disorder in the forest land system. So a provision prohibiting to allot the forests newly official use was enacted in 1672, nevertheless the government offices were trying to enlarge their occupied area by encroaching the boundary and this abuse continued up to the end of the YI Dynasty. d) Private forests. The government, at the bigninning of the YI Dynasty, expropriated the forests all over the country under the principle of prohibition of private occupancy of forest lands except for the national uses, while it could not expropriate completely all of the forest lands privately occupied and inherited successively by bureaucrats, and even local governors could not control them because of their strong influences. Accordingly the King, TAI JONG (1401 to 1418 A.D.), legislated the prohibition of private forest occupancy in his code, KYEONG JE YUK JEON (1413), and furthermore he repeatedly emphasized to observe the law. But The private occupancy of forest lands was not yet ceased up at the age of the King, SE JO (1455 to 1468 A.D.), so he prescribed the provision in KYEONG KUK DAI JEON (1474), an immutable law as a written constitution in the YI Dynasty: "Anyone who privately occupy the forest land shall be inflicted 80 floggings" and he prohibited the private possession of forest area even by princes and princesses. But, it seemed to be almost impossible for only one provsion in a code to obstruct the historical growing tendecy of private forest occupancy, for example, the King, SEONG JONG (1470 to 1494 A.D.), himself granted the forests to his royal families in defiance of the prohibition and thereafter such precedents were successively expanded, and besides, taking advantage of these facts, the influential persons openly acquired their private forest lands. After tyrannical rule of the King, YEON SAN (1945 to 1506 A.D.), the political disorder due to the splits to bureaucrats with successional feuds and the usurpations of thrones accelerated the private forest occupancy in all parts of the country, thus the forbidden clause on the private forest occupancy in the law had become merely a legal fiction since the establishment of the Dynasty. As above mentioned, after the invasion of Japanese in 1592, the courts of princes (KUNG BANGG) fell into the financial difficulties, and successive kings transferred the right of tax collection from fisherys and saltfarms to each KUNG BANG and at the same time they allotted the forest areas in attempt to promote the clearing. Availing themselves of this opportunity, royal families and bureaucrats intended to occupy the forests on large scale. Besides a privilege of free selection of grave yard, which had been conventionalized from the era of the KORYO Dynasty, created an abuse of occuping too wide area for grave yards in any forest at their random, so the King, TAI JONG, restricted the area of grave yard and homestead of each family. Under the policy of suppresion of Buddhism in the YI Dynasty a privilege of taxexemption for Buddhist temples was deprived and temple forests had to follow the same course as private forests did. In the middle of 18th century the King, YEONG JO (1725 to 1776 A.D.), took an impartial policy for political parties and promoted the spirit of observing laws by putting royal orders and regulations in good order excessively issued before, thus the confused political situation was saved, meanwhile the government officially permittd the private forest ownership which substantially had already been permitted tacitly and at the same time the private afforestation areas around the grave yards was authorized as private forests at least within YONG HO (a boundary of grave yard). Consequently by the enforcement of above mentioned policies the forbidden clause of private forest ownership which had been a basic principle of forest system in the YI Dynasty entireely remained as only a historical document. Under the rule of the King, SUN JO (1801 to 1834 A.D.), the political situation again got into confusion and as the result of the exploitation from farmers by bureaucrats, the extremely impoverished rural communities created successively wandering peasants who cleared burnt fields and deforested recklessly. In this way the devastation of forests come to the peak regardless of being private forests or national forests, moreover, the influential persons extorted private forests or reserved forests and their expansion of grave yards became also excessive. In 1894 a regulation was issued that the extorted private forests shall be returned to the initial propriators and besides taking wide area of the grave yards was prohibited. And after a reform of the administrative structure following western style, a modern forest possession system was prepared in 1908 by the forest law including a regulation of the return system of forest land ownership. At this point a forbidden clause of private occupancy of forest land got abolished which had been kept even in fictitious state since the foundation of the YI Dynasty. e) Common forests. As above mentioned, the forest system in the YI Dynasty was on the ground of public ownership principle but there was a high restriction to the forest profits of farmers according to the progressive private possession of forest area. And the farmers realized the necessity of possessing common forest. They organized village associations, SONGE or KEUM SONGE, to take the ownerless forests remained around the village as the common forest in opposition to influential persons and on the other hand, they prepared the self-punishment system for the common management of their forests. They made a contribution to the forest protection by preserving the common forests in the late YI Dynasty. It is generally known that the absolute monarchy expr opriates the widespread common forests all over the country in the process of chainging from thefeudal society to the capitalistic one. At this turning point in Korea, Japanese colonialists made public that the ratio of national and private forest lands was 8 to 2 in the late YI Dynasty, but this was merely a distorted statistics with the intention of rationalizing of their dispossession of forests from Korean owners, and they took advantage of dead forbidden clause on the private occupancy of forests for their colonization. They were pretending as if all forests had been in ownerless state, but, in truth, almost all the forest lands in the late YI Dynasty except national forests were in the state of private ownership or private occupancy regardless of their lawfulness.

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A Study on Coming of Age, Wedding, Funeral, and Ancestral Rites Found in 『Hajaeilgi』 (『하재일기』에 나타난 관·혼·상·제례 연구)

  • Song, Jae-Yong
    • (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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    • no.70
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    • pp.435-466
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    • 2018
  • "Hajaeilgi (荷齋日記)" was written by Ji Gyu-sik, a gongin of Saongwon (司饔院)'s branch, almost everyday for 20 years and 7 months from January 1st, 1891 until the leap month of June 29th, 1911. It deals with many different areas including domestic and foreign circumstances, custom, rituals, all the affairs related to the branch, and also everyday life. Particularly, Ji Gyu-sik did not belong to the yangban class, and we can hardly find diaries written by such class' people. Here, what this author pays attention to among the things written in "Hajaeilgi" is the contents about rituals, especially coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites. Ji Gyu-sik did write in his "Hajaeilgi" about coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites that were actually performed then as a person not belonging to the yangban class. Such diaries are very rare, and its value is highly appreciated as a material. Particularly, from the late 19th to the early 20th century of this author focuses on the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites as we can see some aspects about it from his diary. Coming-of-age rites were carried out in the first month of the year generally, and in this period, we can see the transformation of their performing period as it was diversified then. This was not exceptional in yangban families. About wedding, while it was discussed, it came to be canceled more often than before maybe because they were going through the process of enlightenment then. It seems that choosing the day was not done in the bride's family always. Jungin or commoners had a weeding in the bride's house, but when it was needed, it was also performed in the groom's house. Ji Gyu-sik followed the traditional wedding procedure for his children rather faithfully, but it was applied flexibly according to the two families' situations or conditions. Ignoring the traditional manners, they had a wedding in the period of mourning or performed a wedding in the groom's house bringing the bride there. It seems that this was related to the decline of Confucian order in the society in the process of modernization. Also, the form of donations changed, too. Gradually, it was altered to the form of money gifts. Moreover, unlike before, divorcing seems to have been allowed then. Remarriage or divorce was the custom transformed from before. Funeral rites had different durations from death up to balin (carrying out a bier for burial) and hagwan (lowering a coffin into the grave), and so it means that they also went through transformation. Sa-daebu used usually 3 months but here was 7 days from death to balin normally, but it seems that there were yangban families not following it. The traces of 3-iljang (burial on the third day after death) most commonly found these days and chowoo jaewoo samwooje can be also found in "Hajaeilgi". Such materials are, in fact, very highly evaluated nowadays. Meanwhile, donations also changed gradually to the form of money. Regarding ancestral rites, time for memorial service was not fixed. Ji Gyu-sik did not follow jaegye (齋戒) before carrying out gijesa, and in some worse case, he went to pub the day before the memorial service to meet his lover or drink. This is somewhat different from the practice of yangban sadaebu then. Even after entering Christianity, Ji Gyu-sik performed memorial service, and after joining Cheondogyo, he did it, too. Meanwhile, there were some exceptions, but in Hansik or Chuseok, Ji Gyu-sik performed charye (myoje) before the tomb in person or sent his little brother or son to do it. But we cannot find the contents that tell us Ji Gyu-sik carried out myoje in October. Ji Gyu-sik performed saengiljesa calling it saengsincharye almost every year for his late father. But it is noticeable that he performed saengsincharye and memorial service separately, too, occasionally. The gijesa, charye, myoje, and saengsincharye carried out by jungin family from Gyeonggi Gwangju around the time that the status system was abolished and the Japanese Empire took power may have been rather different and less strict than yangban family's practice of ancestral rites; however, it is significant that we can see with it the aspects of ancestral rites performed in family not yangban. As described above, the contents about the a study of coming of age, wedding, funeral and ancestral rites found in "Hajaeilgi" are equipped with great value as material and meaningful in the perspective of forklore.