• Journal of architectural history
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• v.15 no.4
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• pp.37-56
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• 2006

Introducing International Style, P. Johnson and H. R. Hitchcock gave three standards to be the Modern, volume and surface, regularity, and exclusion of applied decoration. In spite of the negation of stylistic, formal approach in the Modernist Manifestoes, one usually have understood Modernity in Architecture with its formal character, especially with no ornament and flat, abstract, white surface. Modernism as a new paradigm in architecture have emphasized that there is no representation of anything outside and only present architecture in itself. They said that Modernism only cared about the language of Architecture without figural reference. So apparently there is no way to prove to its Modernity with formal condition. Modernity is in Spirit and contents. But actually we understand well its existence by visual communication This study deals with this difficult situation how Modernity represents itself without visual media and asks the question how simultaneously it presents its thingness and materiality In order to analyse contradictory situation between representation and presentation in Modern Architecture we need to survey the historical process of changing position of ornaments and its meaning in time. With the crisis of representation the role of ornament have seriously changed and divided. It caused the two situation in pre-Modern Architecture. Firstly, Architecture tend to be a high art and formal expression became important much more. The Use of Ornament became a kind of fashion to show the power, class, money. Secondly, Ornament lost its cultural weight and the structure and material aspect became the central in architecture. Rational Structuralism would be the essential character in Modern Architecture. Here the theory of G. Semper and A. Loos on cladding(dressing) and Ornament can help its problems and limits. In the situation without conventional ornament Modernists need to present modernity with new media that only show the thing itself and by that it does not represent any thing else as like the value, idea outside buildings. They believed that only it concerned esthetics and morality in architecture. But in reality it referred to art and machines as like ships, aircraft, and cars. By excluding Ornament and showing the process of clearing, abstract, flat, white surface 'represent' Modernity by the indirect way referring the concept of transparency, reason, sanitation, tectonics, etc. An Ideology and myth intervened architectural discourse to make the doxa about the representation in Architecture. Surface must be a different kind of media and message that can communicate in different way with compared to conventional Ornament. Decorated Shed by R. Venturi and Post-Functionalism by P. Eisenman, that are the most famous post-modern discourse, shows well difficult and contradictory condition in contemporary architecture concerning representation and form, meaning and form.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.77
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• pp.137-163
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• 2016

In the early 1900, photography, magic lantern and cinema were simultaneously introduced and experienced until the mid-1910s as mysterious and magical symbol of modern science and technology. The technology of vision, cinema in particular demonstrated its commercially expandable potentials through serial films in the mid-1910s, silent cinema in the 1920s and talkies in 1930s. I argue that a metaphor 'like a movie' which was would be spoken out by peoples as a cliche ever since the late 1910s whenever they encountered something uncanny, mysterious, and looking wholly new phenomena informs how cinematic technology worked in colonial society at the turning point to the early 20th century. Mass in colonial society accepted cinema and other visual technologies not only as an advanced science of the times but as texts of modernity that is the reason why cinema had so quickly taken cultural hegemony over the colony. Until the mid-1920s, discourse on cinema focused not on cinema itself, rather more on the theatre matters such as hygiene, facilities for public use, disturbance, quarrels and fights, theft, and etc. Since the mid-1920s and especially in wartime 1930s, discourses about negative influences and effects of cinema on behavior, mind and spirit of masses, bodily health, morality and crime were articulated and delivered by Japanese authorities and agencies like as police, newspapers and magazines, and collaborate Korean intellectuals. Theories and research reports stemming from disciplines of psychology, sociology, and mass-psychology that emphasized vulnerability and susceptibility of the crowd and mass consumers who would be exposed to visual images, spectacles and strong toxic stimulus in everyday lives. Those negative discourse on influences and effects of cinema was intimately associated with fear of the crowd and mass as well as new technology which does not allow clear understanding about how it works in future. The fact that cinema as a technology of vision could be used as an apparatus of ideology and propaganda stirred up doubts and pessimistic perspectives on cinema influence. Discourse on visual technology cinema constructed under colonial governance is doomed to be technology of mass control for empire's own sake.

• Journal of architectural history
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• v.10 no.3 s.27
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• pp.7-23
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• 2001

We Koreans are very proud of this nation's cultural history over some five millenniums. But most of the relics found in the nation date back up to two thousand years. Under this circumstance, we are wondering the gap and missing of three thousand years. In our traditional literature of history, [Chiwoo] was a military god of supreme dignity and virtue. He was a symbol of brave and strong warriors and since the antiquity, he has been kept alive deeply in the mind of the Korean race. Considering findings through this study, the researcher could provide a conclusion as described below. 1) The name of Paekje's designed tiles was initially made by a Japanese scholar who had first found the antique relic. According to studies by a few of Korean researchers, the name is usually called despite its relation with a historical background of the excavated objects has not been fully studied. 2) After the patterned objects of the Korean antique Kingdom, Japanese researchers reported that [Chiwoo] was a military god as exorcist and probably represented something in the form of a ghost, although there were arguments that the military god was the very being to influence the image of the ghost. This report suggests that the Japanese community didn't downgrade the military god onto the level of a ghost. 3) One of our antique nations, Paekje at that time sought to determine the origin and culture of the Koreans by making multiple exchange relations with China, and probably accepting cultures of the Chinese Han nation and those of the Chinese South and North Dynasty period. Based on findings from a relevant literature, [Sulyigi], people of Paekje attempted to show express the image of Chiwoo in their own unique ways and then deliver the strong bravery of [Chiwoo] to us, or their descendents. This can explain that those findings as above mentioned are consistent with the designed tiles of Paekje, and that the tiles should not be named as the design of ghost. 4) The designed tiles involved elements of Taoism and Buddhism and substantially considered the spirit of four gods which was mobilized for the tomb construction and selection at that time. But this should never be a reason why all of the horned figures seen in tomb wall paintings are collectively treated as ghosts. 5) From the view of historic literature, we can no doubt say that the Heavenly Emperor [Chiwoo] was our ancestor. It is not better to say that the relic stuffs as excavated should be referred to the design of ghost image only in that they have yet to be associated historically with other relics. This claim would be newly changed as it becomes clear with historical remains that our antique ancestors kept doing positive activities along the coast of the antique kingdom, Balhae.

• Lingua Humanitatis
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• v.1 no.2
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• pp.47-63
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• 2001

"A Variation of Love" is a characteristic Kim Soo-Young poem, in that it embodies the poet′s innovative use of language and proceeds speedily, like many of his other poems. Above all, the poem reveals the core of Kim′s poetical spirit, his speculation about love. The poem is difficult to understand because it broadly uses run-on lines and even run-on stanzas, a technique that many readers are unfamiliar with. The semiological approach of this paper will bring new light on the poem by restructuring the relationship between signs, that is, by taking apart the sign system of the original text and reconstructing its sentence structure. If we rearrange the poem from its original six stanzas and fifty-one lines to four stanzas and twenty-three lines, we will discover a close connection between stanzas 1 and 2, and between stanzas 3 and 4. Of the many keywords of the poem, we may establish the dominant word as "love," into which every poetic word converges and from which each word emanates. Another important keyword is "fatigue of the city" in stanza 4. Similarly negative aspects of the city may be found in the line "the same may be said of Bombay, of New York, of Seoul" in stanza 3, as well as in the words "desire" in combination with "the lamplights of Seoul like leftovers in the pig sty" in stanza 1. The persona of the poem tries to overcome the "fatigue of the city" by "love," but the way he realizes love is, somewhat peculiarly, through stillness and silence. The persona aligns "the stones of the peach and the apricot and the dried persimmon" with the his faith in love. He calls the stones "beautiful hardness" presumably because that hardness (the stillness and silence) may blossom into beauty. In the earlier stanzas, the persona′s quest for love results in an awareness that love is omnipresent, but the persona determines "not to shout it out loud." The reason for this determination is found in stanza 4. Those who experience the "fatigue of the city" will be able to realize it by themselves. This seemingly defeatist conclusion by no means suggest pessimism, for the persona holds the conviction that "there will come a day when [one] will rave for love." This conviction rescues the poem from the dismal mood suggested by the "fatigue of the city." At all events, it is important to note that the "fatigue of the city" should not be considered apart from "love." Yet, strangely enough, the poem embodies a severe critique of the city, and further investigation is necessary in order to clarify why this critique appears in the form of "love." But this will be the treated in another paper.

• The Journal of Internal Korean Medicine
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• v.39 no.4
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• pp.662-675
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• 2018

Objective: The aim of this study was to establish the developmental history of hospice palliative care (HPC) with Korean medicine (KM). Methods: We compared the developmental history of HPC in Korea with that of Britain, the United States, Taiwan, Japan, and China. The articles in English or Korean published until Feb. 2017 were searched using 'Hospice' or 'Palliative care' with the name of each nation in the PubMed, MEDLINE, ScienceDirect, and CINAHL (Cumulative Index to Nursing and Allied Health Literature) databases for foreign articles and OASIS (Oriental Medicine Advanced Searching Integrated System) for domestic articles. Books and gray literature were searched on the same databases and websites of the Ministry of Health and Welfare and related organizations in each country. Results: Modern palliative care began with the hospice movement led by Dr. Cicely Saunders. HPC in Korea started earlier than in other countries but it took considerable time for social consensus, so Korean policies have only been published recently. In this process, KM was excluded from HPC. For this reason, western medicine in Korea does not fully accept the spirit of HPC, the government does not take an aggressive stance with KM, and the institutes of KM do not have any interest in HPC. The World Health Organization recommends the establishment of policies and programs connected with a country's own health care system. In 2015, the Korean government made the third comprehensive plan for the development of KM. It included critical pathway guidelines about cancer-related fatigue and anorexia. More effort is required to set up HPC than other care types because Korea has two medical systems. Conclusions: Each nation has been trying to improve systems of HPC. We need to overcome the problems and bring out the best by making our own model of HPC with KM.

• The Journal of Art Theory & Practice
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• no.6
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• pp.27-50
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• 2008

This thesis examines contemporary Chinese painting after the Cultural Revolution(1966~76), focusing upon so-called "Chinese Pop art", which I termed as "Socialist Pop art". I considered the art of this period within the broader context of social changes especially after the Tienanmen incident of 1989. After the Cultural Revolution during which idolization of Chairman Mao was at its peak, one of the major changes in communist China was that an anti-Mao wave was generated in almost every social class. For example, novels that revealed the hardships during the Cultural Revolution were published. Posters that openly criticized the Maoism were also produced and displayed on the walls, and demand for democracy spurred widespread activist movements among young generations. These broad social changes were also reflected in art. A variety of art movements were introduced from the West to China, and after a period of experimentation with the new imported styles, artists began to apply the new artistic idiom to their works in order to visualize their own social and political realities they lived in. It was a shift from earlier Socialist Realism to a new expression either directly or indirectly, "Socialist Pop", an amalgam of Socialist Realism and Pop art tradition. After the 1989 crackdown of Tienanmen Square protest, when communist government quelled with brutal measures the students, workers, and ordinary people who rose for democracy, greater urge to protest the Deng Xiaoping regime emerged. This time coincided with the gradual emergence of art using Pop art vocabulary to satirize the social reality, the Socialist Pop art, along with many other art forms all with avant-garde spirit. One of the most frequent subjects of Chinese Pop art was visual images of Chairman Mao and his Cultural Revolution, and new China that was saturated with capitalism, which tainted the Chinese way of life with a Western way of consumerism and commercialism. The reason for the popularity of Mao's image was spurred by the "Mao Craze" in the early 1990's. People suddenly began to fall in a kind of nostalgia for the past, and once again, Mao Zedong was idolized as an entity who can heal the problems of modern China who had been marching towards their ultimate destination, the economic development. But this time Chairman Mao was no more an idol but just a popular, commercial product. He is no more an object of worship of almost religious nature but he has become an iconography symbolizing the complex nature of present Chinese society. During this process of depicting the social reality, Chinese artists are making the authority and sanctity of Maoism ineffective. Dealing with this new trend of contemporary Chinese art in view of "Socialist Pop art" two manners of re-creating Pop art can be illustrated: one that incorporates the propaganda posters of the Cultural Revolution; the other borrows from Chinese traditional popular imagery or mass media, such as photos taken during Mao era. What is worth mentioning is that these posters and photos of the Cultural Revolution can be identified as 'popular' media, as they were directed to educate the popular mass, thus combination of this ingenuous pop media with Western Pop art can be fully justified as a genre unique to China. Through this genre, we can discover a new chapter of the Chinese contemporary painting and its society, as their Pop art can be considered as self-portraits true to their present appearances.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.76
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• pp.305-329
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• 2010

The problem of freedom is inseparably related to human life. It makes this not to be regarded as a problem restricted to the professional domain of ethics. It suggests rather that the problem of freedom is intimately connected with the philosophical groundwork for discussing the future direction of society, culture and science, and its regulative idea, a philosophical discussion which comes up inevitably with various social, economic and political problems, and problems related to the spirit of law. In this view, when we want to explain the problem of freedom as a fundamental one in reference to future direction of humanities and to find out a solution to this, our research only in accordance with the approach of history of philosophy runs into difficulties. The reason is that the problem of freedom has nowness together with historicity. Finding this problem to be a present one in our concrete human life, we can discuss it more meaningful under the methodological frame changed and developed by philosophical reflections since the modern age. And here I think a culturalistic approach reinterpreting hermeneutic insight and pragmatistic context methodologically can provide a pertinent clue for a theoretical work to investigate the problem of freedom and to find a solution to that because this approach considers historicity and nowness. For this purpose analysing truth intersubjectively and understanding freedom critically, this article tries to reconstruct symbolic interpretation and the concept of self constructed in community of language and action as a cultural horizon of freedom.

• Korea Science and Art Forum
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• v.23
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• pp.149-162
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• 2016

Here are background, method, scope, main contents of this research. As the interests increased in recent about the construction in complex and diverse areas, construction is locally connected to human life like to coexistence of the technology and culture. The local development should not be fragmentary construction to improve local recycling ability. Local society should be inherited by modern cultural perspective through a variety of local culture and coexistence. Effective decision making analysis is necessary to build a livable area with a combination of high-tech industry. For this reason, this paper will study the political analysis for decision making at the planning stage of construction in point of fusion of technology and culture by using unstructured data analysis. Conclusion is as in the following. Local planning stage of construction describes diverse meanings of intangible and intangible factors as political factor. Technology factors have various qualitative and quantitative factors in construction field. Understanding decision making at the planning stage of construction means not only visible 'technology factor' such as structure, method, shape, and so on, but also invisible 'culture factor' such as spirit of age, religion, learning, and life-style reflected in formation process of space, and insight of brain power about art.

• Journal of Ethics
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• no.80
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• pp.1-30
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• 2011

Confucianism and Buddhism were compatible in the period of Goryeo Dynasty. And then, the rulers worshiped Confucianism and repressed the religious activity of the Buddhist monk in the early years of the Joseon Dynasty. But King Sejong planed to bring reconciliation between Confucianism and Buddhism. Especially on the ceremonies of mourning and sacrificial rituals, he always performed the two religious style. The reason of sticking to his amicable consciousness is as follows. Firstly, he thinks that both the theory of Confucianism and the religious spirit of Buddhism are very important for the building up the foundation of his Dynasty. Secondly, his mind has been of a same faith cure on the incurable disease. Therefor, when the Royal family is taken ill he must pray to Buddha for recovery from the first stage. Thirdly, he regards social conditions to be the most important and respect for man's life and dignity for the purpose of beneficent administration. But Joseon's government line was the anti-Buddhist policy. So, the policy came in the wake of a debate among King Sejong and Confucian government officials. However his harmonious mind was unchanged between Confucianism and Buddhism. After all, in the last phase of his life he was deeply religious on Buddhism. I think that King Sejong's amicable consciousness could make a contribution to overcome religious conflicts and to create a new political cultural form in the modern society

• Korean Journal of Social Welfare Studies
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• v.45 no.2
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• pp.31-63
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• 2014

Recently interest in civic engagement and civic service is increasing. However, in Korea, few studies have focused on civic service. This might be on account of general awareness that civic service is fundamentally different from the basic spirit of voluntary work, while interest in paid volunteer work is on the rise. Thus, it is necessary to examine whether civic service is the real antipode of volunteer work. Under this kind of critical viewpoint, this study aims to analyze civic service based on the attributes of voluntary work and civic service. The major findings are as follows. Firstly, contrary to common belief, civic service has not been established to go beyond the principle of voluntary and unpaid characteristics of volunteer work. Rather, some voluntary work has broken out of principle of voluntary activities. Secondly, civic service and volunteer work might be characterized as different not due to spontaneity and unpaid service but the structural characteristics of the goal, continuity and formality. Furthermore, the reason for the soft landing of civic service in the United States is not because they have supported the reimbursement of expenses and the provision of stipends. Rather, it is because their long-term activities have promoted real community development for the purpose of finding solutions to social problems, and they have derived a sense of pride and satisfaction from social recognition and rewards for their contributions.