• Journal of the korean academy of Pediatric Dentistry
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• v.37 no.1
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• pp.117-123
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• 2010

Tooth eruption is the movement of the tooth from the developing place in the alveolar bone to the functional position in the oral cavity. The permanent incisors originate from the dental lamina on the lingual side of preceding deciduous tooth and erupt to the level of the occlusion through the well developed gubernacular cord. Ectopic eruption is a developmental disturbance in the eruption pattern of the permanent dentition. Most of the ectopically erupted lower incisor has been found in lingual side. The ectopically erupted tooth could be repositioned by orthodontic force in the early mixed dentition, which could help preventing the problems of loss of space and the lingual tilting of the lower anterior teeth. An eight-year-old girl visited the department of pediatric dentistry, Yonsei Dental University Hospital, for the evaluation and the treatment of the lower right lateral incisor, which was horizontally erupted in the lingual side, parallel to the mouth floor. Her tongue was placed on the labial side of that tooth. There was no previous dental history of dental caries or trauma on the pre-occupied primary incisor. Clinical and radiographic examinations including the computed tomography(CT), showed no evidence of dilacerations on root. Therefore, we decided to start active orthodontic traction of the lower right lateral incisor. We designed the fixed type of buccal arch wire and the lip bumper with hook for the traction. Button was attached to the lingual side of the ectopically positioned tooth. Elastic was used between the appliance and the button on that tooth. After the tooth become upright over the tongue level, appliance was change to the removable type and periodic check-up with occlusal guidance was followed to monitor the position of the tooth. In this case using the fixed appliance with modified form of lip bumper and hook embedded in acrylic part instead of extraction was very efficient up-righting the ectopically erupted tooth toward the occlusal plane.

• Journal of the Korea Academia-Industrial cooperation Society
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• v.15 no.5
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• pp.3192-3202
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• 2014

This study has its purposes on analyzing specific features of the elements according to scales of 32 main buddhist sancta among wooden temples with gable roof that are nationally designated as cultural assets, and analyzing influences and proportional relations between main and submaterials, so that it could be basic and objective data for restore and repair cultural assets in the future. Results of the study are following. First of all, the average plane proportion of doritong (facade) and yangtong (side) in 3-room building is about 1.31:1, while it is 1.70:1 in 5-room building. Secondly, as a result of analyzing the locational proportion and thickness of pillars at each location, floor room turned out to have wider space between pillars than that of edge room or side room in both cases of 3 and 5-room buildings. In the mean time, for the average thickness of the pillars in 3-room building, it was 491mm for corner pillars, 433mm for general pillars in cases of 3-room building, while it was 595 and 511mm respectively in cases of 5-room building. The reason why corner pillars are 60~80mm thicker than general ones in average, is determined to considered structural stability and optical illusion. For the third, as a result of analyzing the influences on pillar thickness, eaves projection and eaves height according to the scale(dimension) of buildings, 3-room buildings have outstanding correlation as its scale(dimension) goes bigger, while 5-room ones are not very much influenced by its scale(dimension). For the fourth, as a result of the relation between pillars and eaves, both of 3 and 5-room buildings have longer-projected and higher eaves as their pillars go taller; especially height of eaves turns out to have very close relation between length of pillars. In addition to that, both of 3 and 5-room buildings have much projected eaves as the eaves go higher.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.34 no.3
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• pp.169-176
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• 2021

This study aimed to fundamentally understand structural changes of zeolite under pressure and in the presence of different pressure-transmitting media (PTM) for application studies such as immobilization of heavy metal cation or CO₂ storage using pressure. High-pressure X-ray powder diffraction study was conducted on the zeolite-W (K_6.4Al_6.5Si_25.8O₆₄× 15.3H₂O, K-MER) to understand linear compressibility and the bulk moduli in different PTM conditions. Zeolite-w is a synthetic material having the same framework as natural zeolite merlinoite ((K, Ca_0.5, Ba_0.5, Na)₁₀ Al₁₀Si₂₂O₆₄× 22H₂O). The space group of the sample was identified as I4/mmm belonging to the tetragonal crystal system. Water, carbon dioxide, and silicone-oil were used as pressure-transmitting media. The mixture of sample and each PTM was mounted in a diamond anvil cell (DAC) and then pressurized up to 3 GPa with an increment of ca. 0.5 GPa. Pressure-induced changes of powder diffraction patterns were measured using a synchrotron X-ray light source. Lattice constants, and bulk moduli were calculated using the Le-Bail method and the Birch-Murnaghan equation. In all PTM conditions, linear compressibility of c-axis (𝛽^c) was 0.006(1) GPa^-1 or 0.007(1) GPa^-1. On the other hand, the linear compressibility of a(b)-axis (𝛽^a) was 0.013(1) GPa^-1 in silicone-oil run, which is twice more compressible than the a(b)-axis in water and carbon dioxide runs, 𝛽^a = 0.006(1) GPa^-1. The bulk moduli were measured as 50(3) GPa, 52(3) GPa, and 29(2) GPa in water, carbon dioxide, and silicone-oil run, respectively. The orthorhombicities of ac-plane in the water, and carbon dioxide runs were comparatively constant, near 0.350~0.353, whereas the value decreased abruptly in the silicone-oil run following formula, y = -0.005(1)x + 0.351(1) by non-penetrating pressure fluid condition.

• Korean Journal of Mineralogy and Petrology
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• v.35 no.3
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• pp.345-353
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• 2022

This study aimed to fundamentally understand changes of cell parameters of cation-exchanged mordenites using high resolution X-ray powder diffraction for studies that immobilization of various heavy metal cation using synthesis mordenite (Na_6.6Al_6.6Si_41.4O₉₆·20.4H₂O, Na-MOR). As a results of measurement by Thermogravimetric analysis (TGA), it was confirmed that 19.4, 20.4 water molecules per unit cell were present in monovalent-cation substituted MOR (Cs-MOR, Na-MOR), and 21, 23.1, 23.2 water molecules per unit cell were present in divalent-cation substituted MOR (Pb-MOR, Sr-MOR, Cd-MOR). The space group of all the samples were identified as Cmcm belonging to the orthorhombic crystal system. Compared to Na-MOR, starting material, relative peak intensity of (110) and (200) is significantly changed after cation substitution whereas peak position is almost similar. Also, (220) peak that was not found in Na-MOR was clearly observed in Pb-, Cd- and Sr-exchanged MOR. Thus, it was estimated that changes of atomic distribution usually occurred on ab-plane while changes of cell parameters were little. Detailed changes in the cell parameters of cation-exchanged mordenites were derived from whole profile fitting method using the GSAS suite program. Changes in the axial lengths and unit cell volume of cation substitution showed different relationship depending on ionic radius and charge number. In case of monovalent-cation substituted MOR, the length of a-axis increases whereas the length of b- and c-axis decrease by absorbed cation radius. In the case of divalent-cation exchanged MOR, the length of a-axis usually decreases while the length of b- and c-axis increases by cation radius. It was confirmed that unit cell volume of monovalent and divalent cation substituted MORs had an independent tendency by cation radius.

• The Korean Journal of Air & Space Law and Policy
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• v.30 no.2
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• pp.37-81
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• 2015

AirAsia QZ8501 Jet departed from Juanda International Airport in, Surabaya, Indonesia at 05:35 on Dec. 28, 2014 and was scheduled to arrive at Changi International Airport in Singapore at 08:30 the same day. The aircraft, an Airbus A320-200 crashed into the Java Sea on Dec. 28, 2014 carrying 162 passengers and crew off the coast of Indonesia's second largest city Surabaya on its way to Singapore. Indonesia's AirAsia jet carrying 162 people lost contact with ground control on Dec. 28, 2014. The aircraft's debris was found about 66 miles from the plane's last detected position. The 155 passengers and seven crew members aboard Flight QZ 8501, which vanished from radar 42 minutes after having departed Indonesia's second largest city of Surabaya bound for Singapore early Dec. 28, 2014. AirAsia QZ8501 had on board 137 adult passengers, 17 children and one infant, along with two pilots and five crew members in the aircraft, a majority of them Indonesian nationals. On board Flight QZ8501 were 155 Indonesian, three South Koreans, and one person each from Singapore, Malaysia and the UK. The Malaysia Airlines Flight 370 departed from Kuala Lumpur International Airport on March 8, 2014 at 00:41 local time and was scheduled to land at Beijing's Capital International Airport at 06:30 local time. Malaysia Airlines also marketed as China Southern Airlines Flight 748 (CZ748) through a code-share agreement, was a scheduled international passenger flight that disappeared on 8 March 2014 en route from Kuala Lumpur International Airport to Beijing's Capital International Airport (a distance of 2,743 miles: 4,414 km). The aircraft, a Boeing 777-200ER, last made contact with air traffic control less than an hour after takeoff. Operated by Malaysia Airlines (MAS), the aircraft carried 12 crew members and 227 passengers from 15 nations. There were 227 passengers, including 153 Chinese and 38 Malaysians, according to records. Nearly two-thirds of the passengers on Flight 370 were from China. On April 5, 2014 what could be the wreckage of the ill-fated Malaysia Airlines was found. What appeared to be the remnants of flight MH370 have been spotted drifting in a remote section of the Indian Ocean. Compensation for loss of life is vastly different between US. passengers and non-U.S. passengers. "If the claim is brought in the US. court, it's of significantly more value than if it's brought into any other court." Some victims and survivors of the Indonesian and Malaysia airline's air crash case would like to sue the lawsuit to the United States court in order to receive a larger compensation package for damage caused by an accident that occurred in the sea of Java sea and the Indian ocean and rather than taking it to the Indonesian or Malaysian court. Though each victim and survivor of the Indonesian and Malaysia airline's air crash case will receive an unconditional 113,100 Unit of Account (SDR) as an amount of compensation for damage from Indonesia's AirAsia and Malaysia Airlines in accordance with Article 21, 1 (absolute, strict, no-fault liability system) of the 1999 Montreal Convention. But if Indonesia AirAsia airlines and Malaysia Airlines cannot prove as to the following two points without fault based on Article 21, 2 (presumed faulty system) of the 1999 Montreal Convention, AirAsia of Indonesiaand Malaysia Airlines will be burdened the unlimited liability to the each victim and survivor of the Indonesian and Malaysia airline's air crash case such as (1) such damage was not due to the negligence or other wrongful act or omission of the air carrier or its servants or agents, or (2) such damage was solely due to the negligence or other wrongful act or omission of a third party. In this researcher's view for the aforementioned reasons, and under the laws of China, Indonesia, Malaysia and Korea the Chinese, Indonesian, Malaysia and Korean, some victims and survivors of the crash of the two flights are entitled to receive possibly from more than 113,100 SDR to 5 million US$ from the two airlines or from the Aviation Insurance Company based on decision of the American court. It could also be argued that it is reasonable and necessary to revise the clause referring to bodily injury to a clause mentioning personal injury based on Article 17 of the 1999 Montreal Convention so as to be included the mental injury and condolence in the near future.

• Journal of the Korean Chemical Society
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• v.37 no.2
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• pp.191-198
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• 1993

The crystal structures of $Cd_{6-}A$ evacuated at $2{\times}10^{-6}$ torr and $750^{\circ}C$ (a = 12.204(1) $\AA$) and dehydrated $Cd_{6-}A$ reacted with 0.1 torr of Cs vapor at $250^{\circ}C$ for 12 hours (a = 12.279(1) $\AA$) have been determined by single crystal X-ray diffraction techniques in the cubic space group Pm3m at $21(1)^{\circ}C.$ Their structures were refined to final error indices, $R_1=$ 0.081 and $R_2=$ 0.091 with 151 reflections and $R_1=$ 0.095 and $R_2=$ 0.089 with 82 reflections, respectively, for which I > $3\sigma(I).$ In vacuum dehydrated $Cd_{6-}A$, six $Cd^{2+}$ ions occupy threefold-axis positions near 6-ring, recessed 0.460(3) $\AA$ into the sodalite cavity from the (111) plane at O(3) : Cd-O(3) = 2.18(2) $\AA$ and O(3)-Cd-O(3) = $115.7(4)^{\circ}.$ Upon treating it with 0.1 torr of Cs vapor at $250^{\circ}C$, all 6 $Cd^{2+}$ ions in dehydrated $Cd_{6-}A$ are reduced by Cs vapor and Cs species are found at 4 crystallographic sites : 3.0 $Cs^+$ ions lie at the centers of the 8-rings at sites of $D_{4h}$ symmetry; ca. 9.0 Cs+ ions lie on the threefold axes of unit cell, ca. 7 in the large cavity and ca. 2 in the sodalite cavity; ca. 0.5 $Cs^+$ ion is found near a 4-ring. In this structure, ca. 12.5 Cs species are found per unit cell, more than the twelve $Cs^+$ ions needed to balance the anionic charge of zeolite framework, indicating that sorption of Cs0 has occurred. The occupancies observed are simply explained by two unit cell arrangements, $Cs_{12}-A$ and $Cs_{13}-A$. About 50% of unit cells may have two $Cs^+$ ions in sodalite unit near opposite 6-rings, six in the large cavity near 6-ring and one in the large cavity near a 4-ring. The remaining 50% of unit cells may have two Cs species in the sodalite unit which are closely associated with two out of 8 $Cs^+$ ions in the large cavity to form linear $(Cs_4)^{3+}$ clusters. These clusters lie on threefold axes and extend through the centers of sodalite units. In all unit cells, three $Cs^+$ ions fill equipoints of symmetry $D_{4h}$ at the centers of 8-rings.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.18-53
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• 2019

The paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were recently donated to the National Museum of Korea and unveiled to the public for the first time at the 2019 special exhibition "Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea." These two paintings carry significant implications for understanding Joseon art history. Because the fact that they were components of a folding screen produced after a sightseeing tour of the Gwandong regions in 1557 has led to a broadening of our understanding of sixteenth-century landscape painting. This paper explores the art historical meanings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion by examining the contents in the two paintings, dating them, analyzing their stylistic characteristics, and comparing them with other works. The production background of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion can be found in the colophon of Chongseokjeong Pavilion. According to this writing, Sangsanilro, who is presumed to be Park Chung-gan (?-1601) in this paper, and Hong Yeon(?~?) went sightseeing around Geumgangsan Mountain (or Pungaksan Mountain) and the Gwandong region in the spring of 1557, wrote a travelogue, and after some time produced a folding screen depicting several famous scenic spots that they visited. Hong Yeon, whose courtesy name was Deokwon, passed the special civil examination in 1551 and has a record of being active until 1584. Park Chung-gan, whose pen name was Namae, reported the treason of Jeong Yeo-rip in 1589. In recognition of this meritorious deed, he was promoted to the position of Deputy Minister of the Ministry of Punishments, rewarded with the title of first-grade pyeongnan gongsin(meritorious subject who resolved difficulties), and raised to Lord of Sangsan. Based on the colophon to Chongseokjeong Pavilion, I suggest that the two paintings Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were painted in the late sixteenth century, more specifically after 1557 when Park Chung-gan and Hong Yeon went on their sightseeing trip and after 1571 when Park, who wrote the colophon, was in his 50s or over. The painting style used in depicting the landscapes corresponds to that of the late sixteenth century. The colophon further states that Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion were two paintings of a folding screen. Chongseokjeong Pavilion with its colophon is thought to have been the final panel of this screen. The composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion recalls the onesided three-layered composition often used in early Joseon landscape paintings in the style of An Gyeon. However, unlike such landscape paintings in the An Gyeon style, Gyeongpodae Pavilion positions and depicts the scenery in a realistic manner. Moreover, diverse perspectives, including a diagonal bird's-eye perspective and frontal perspective, are employed in Gyeongpodae Pavilion to effectively depict the relations among several natural features and the characteristics of the real scenery around Gyeongpodae Pavilion. The shapes of the mountains and the use of moss dots can be also found in Welcoming an Imperial Edict from China and Chinese Envoys at Uisungwan Lodge painted in 1557 and currently housed in the Kyujanggak Institute for Korean Studies at Seoul National University. Furthermore, the application of "cloud-head" texture strokes as well as the texture strokes with short lines and dots used in paintings in the An Gyeon style are transformed into a sense of realism. Compared to the composition of Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which recalls that of traditional Joseon early landscape painting, the composition of Chongseokjeong Pavilion is remarkably unconventional. Stone pillars lined up in layers with the tallest in the center form a triangle. A sense of space is created by dividing the painting into three planes(foreground, middle-ground, and background) and placing the stone pillars in the foreground, Saseonbong Peaks in the middle-ground, and Saseonjeong Pavilion on the cliff in the background. The Saseonbong Peaks in the center occupy an overwhelming proportion of the picture plane. However, the vertical stone pillars fail to form an organic relation and are segmented and flat. The painter of Chongseokjeong Pavilion had not yet developed a three-dimensional or natural spatial perception. The white lower and dark upper portions of the stone pillars emphasize their loftiness. The textures and cracks of the dense stone pillars were rendered by first applying light ink to the surfaces and then adding fine lines in dark ink. Here, the tip of the brush is pressed at an oblique angle and pulled down vertically, which shows an early stage of the development of axe-cut texture strokes. The contrast of black and white and use of vertical texture strokes signal the forthcoming trend toward the Zhe School painting style. Each and every contour and crack on the stone pillars is unique, which indicates an effort to accentuate their actual characteristics. The birds sitting above the stone pillars, waves, and the foam of breaking waves are all vividly described, not simply in repeated brushstrokes. The configuration of natural features shown in the above-mentioned Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion changes in other later paintings of the two scenic spots. In the Gyeongpodae Pavilion, Jukdo Island is depicted in the foreground, Gyeongpoho Lake in the middle-ground, and Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Odaesan Mountain in the background. This composition differs from the typical configuration of other Gyeongpodae Pavilion paintings from the eighteenth century that place Gyeongpodae Pavilion in the foreground and the sea in the upper section. In Chongseokjeong Pavilion, stone pillars are illustrated using a perspective viewing them from the sea, while other paintings depict them while facing upward toward the sea. These changes resulted from the established patterns of compositions used in Jeong Seon(1676~1759) and Kim Hong-do(1745~ after 1806)'s paintings of Gwandong regions. However, the configuration of the sixteenth-century Gyeongpodae Pavilion, which seemed to have no longer been used, was employed again in late Joseon folk paintings such as Gyeongpodae Pavilion in Gangneung. Famous scenic spots in the Gwandong region were painted from early on. According to historical records, they were created by several painters, including Kim Saeng(711~?) from the Goryeo Dynasty and An Gyeon(act. 15th C.) from the early Joseon period, either on a single scroll or over several panels of a folding screen or several leaves of an album. Although many records mention the production of paintings depicting sites around the Gwandong region, there are no other extant examples from this era beyond the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion discussed in this paper. These two paintings are thought to be the earliest works depicting the Gwandong regions thus far. Moreover, they hold art historical significance in that they present information on the tradition of producing folding screens on the Gwandong region. In particular, based on the contents of the colophon written for Chongseokjeong Pavilion, the original folding screen is presumed to have consisted of eight panels. This proves that the convention of painting eight views of Gwangdong had been established by the late sixteenth century. All of the existing works mentioned as examples of sixteenth-century real scenery landscape painting show only partial elements of real scenery landscape painting since they were created as depictions of notable social gatherings or as a documentary painting for practical and/or official purposes. However, a primary objective of the paintings of Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion was to portray the ever-changing and striking nature of this real scenery. Moreover, Park Chung-gan wrote a colophon and added a poem on his admiration of the scenery he witnessed during his trip and ruminated over the true character of nature. Thus, unlike other previously known real-scenery landscape paintings, these two are of great significance as examples of real-scenery landscape paintings produced for the simple appreciation of nature. Gyeongpodae Pavilion and Chongseokjeong Pavilion are noteworthy in that they are the earliest remaining examples of the historical tradition of reflecting a sightseeing trip in painting accompanied by poetry. Furthermore, and most importantly, they broaden the understanding of Korean real-scenery landscape painting by presenting varied forms, compositions, and perspectives from sixteenth-century real-scenery landscape paintings that had formerly been unfound.

• MISULJARYO - National Museum of Korea Art Journal
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• v.96
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• pp.123-154
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• 2019

Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain is a ten-panel folding screen with images and postscripts. Commissioned by Bak Gyeong-bin (dates unknown), this screen was painted by Jo Jung-muk (1820-after 1894) in 1868. The postscripts were written by Hong Seon-ju (dates unknown). The National Museum of Korea restored this painting, which had been housed in the museum on separate sheets, to its original folding screen format. The museum also opened the screen to the public for the first time at the special exhibition Through the Eyes of Joseon Painters: Real Scenery Landscapes of Korea held from July 23 to September 22, 2019. Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain depicts real scenery on the western slopes of Inwangsan Mountain spanning present-day Hongje-dong and Hongeun-dong in Seodaemun-gu, Seoul. In the distance, the Bukhansan Mountain ridges are illustrated. The painting also bears place names, including Inwangsan Mountain, Chumohyeon Hill, Hongjewon Inn, Samgaksan Mountain, Daenammun Gate, and Mireukdang Hall. The names and depictions of these places show similarities to those found on late Joseon maps. Jo Jung-muk is thought to have studied the geographical information marked on maps so as to illustrate a broad landscape in this painting. Field trips to the real scenery depicted in the painting have revealed that Jo exaggerated or omitted natural features and blended and arranged them into a row for the purposes of the horizontal picture plane. Jo Jung-muk was a painter proficient at drawing conventional landscapes in the style of the Southern School of Chinese painting. Details in Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain reflect the painting style of the School of Four Wangs. Jo also applied a more decorative style to some areas. The nineteenth-century court painters of the Dohwaseo(Royal Bureau of Painting), including Jo, employed such decorative painting styles by drawing houses based on painting manuals, applying dots formed like sprinkled black pepper to depict mounds of earth and illustrating flowers by dotted thick pigment. Moreover, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain shows the individualistic style of Jeong Seon(1676~1759) in the rocks drawn with sweeping brushstrokes in dark ink, the massiveness of the mountain terrain, and the pine trees simply depicted using horizontal brushstrokes. Jo Jung-muk is presumed to have borrowed the authority and styles of Jeong Seon, who was well-known for his real scenery landscapes of Inwangsan Mountain. Nonetheless, the painting lacks an spontaneous sense of space and fails in conveying an impression of actual sites. Additionally, the excessively grand screen does not allow Jo Jung-muk to fully express his own style. In Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the texts of the postscripts nicely correspond to the images depicted. Their contents can be divided into six parts: (1) the occupant of the tomb and the reason for its relocation; (2) the location and geomancy of the tomb; (3) memorial services held at the tomb and mysterious responses received during the memorial services; (4) cooperation among villagers to manage the tomb; (5) the filial piety of Bak Gyeong-bin, who commissioned the painting and guarded the tomb; and (6) significance of the postscripts. The second part in particular is faithfully depicted in the painting since it can easily be visualized. According to the fifth part revealing the motive for the production of the painting, the commissioner Bak Gyeongbin was satisfied with the painting, stating that "it appears impeccable and is just as if the tomb were newly built." The composition of the natural features in a row as if explaining each one lacks painterly beauty, but it does succeed in providing information on the geomantic topography of the gravesite. A fair number of the existing depictions of gravesites are woodblock prints of family gravesites produced after the eighteenth century. Most of these are included in genealogical records and anthologies. According to sixteenth- and seventeenth-century historical records, hanging scrolls of family gravesites served as objects of worship. Bowing in front of these paintings was considered a substitute ritual when descendants could not physically be present to maintain their parents' or other ancestors' tombs. Han Hyo-won (1468-1534) and Jo Sil-gul (1591-1658) commissioned the production of family burial ground paintings and asked distinguished figures of the time to write a preface for the paintings, thus showing off their filial piety. Such examples are considered precedents for Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. Hermitage of the Recluse Seokjeong in a private collection and Old Villa in Hwagae County at the National Museum of Korea are not paintings of family gravesites. However, they serve as references for seventeenth-century paintings depicting family gravesites in that they are hanging scrolls in the style of the paintings of literary gatherings and they illustrate geomancy. As an object of worship, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain recalls a portrait. As indicated in the postscripts, the painting made Bak Gyeong-bin "feel like hearing his father's cough and seeing his attitudes and behaviors with my eyes." The fable of Xu Xiaosu, who gazed at the portrait of his father day and night, is reflected in this gravesite painting evoking a deceased parent. It is still unclear why Bak Gyeong-bin commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to be produced as a real scenery landscape in the folding screen format rather than a hanging scroll or woodblock print, the conventional formats for a family gravesite paintings. In the nineteenth century, commoners came to produce numerous folding screens for use during the four rites of coming of age, marriage, burial, and ancestral rituals. However, they did not always use the screens in accordance with the nature of these rites. In the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, the real scenery landscape appears to have been emphasized more than the image of the gravesite in order to allow the screen to be applied during different rituals or for use to decorate space. The burial mound, which should be the essence of Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, might have been obscured in order to hide its violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the four mountains around the capital. At the western foot of Inwangsan Mountain, which was illustrated in this painting, the construction of tombs was forbidden. In 1832, a tomb discovered illegally built on the forbidden area was immediately dug up and the related people were severely punished. This indicates that the prohibition was effective until the mid-nineteenth century. The postscripts on the Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain document in detail Bak Gyeong-bin's efforts to obtain the land as a burial site. The help and connivance of villagers were necessary to use the burial site, probably because constructing tombs within the prohibited area was a burden on the family and villagers. Seokpajeong Pavilion by Yi Han-cheol (1808~1880), currently housed at the Los Angeles County Museum of Art, is another real scenery landscape in the format of a folding screen that is contemporaneous and comparable with Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain. In 1861 when Seokpajeong Pavilion was created, both Yi Han-cheol and Jo Jung-muk participated in the production of a portrait of King Cheoljong. Thus, it is highly probable that Jo Jung-muk may have observed the painting process of Yi's Seokpajeong Pavilion. A few years later, when Jo Jungmuk was commissioned to produce Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain, his experience with the impressive real scenery landscape of the Seokpajeong Pavilion screen could have been reflected in his work. The difference in the painting style between these two paintings is presumed to be a result of the tastes and purposes of the commissioners. Since Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain contains the multilayered structure of a real scenery landscape and family gravesite, it seems to have been perceived in myriad different ways depending on the viewer's level of knowledge, closeness to the commissioner, or viewing time. In the postscripts to the painting, the name and nickname of the tomb occupant as well as the place of his surname are not recorded. He is simply referred to as "Mister Bak." Biographical information about the commissioner Bak Gyeong-bin is also unavailable. However, given that his family did not enter government service, he is thought to have been a person of low standing who could not become a member of the ruling elite despite financial wherewithal. Moreover, it is hard to perceive Hong Seon-ju, who wrote the postscripts, as a member of the nobility. He might have been a low-level administrative official who belonged to the Gyeongajeon, as documented in the Seungjeongwon ilgi (Daily Records of Royal Secretariat of the Joseon Dynasty). Bak Gyeong-bin is presumed to have moved the tomb of his father to a propitious site and commissioned Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain to stress his filial piety, a conservative value, out of his desire to enter the upper class. However, Ancestral Burial Ground on the Inwangsan Mountain failed to live up to its original purpose and ended up as a contradictory image due to its multiple applications and the concern over the exposure of the violation of the prohibition on the construction of tombs on the prohibited area. Forty-seven years after its production, this screen became a part of the collection at the Royal Yi Household Museum with each panel being separated. This suggests that Bak Gyeong-bin's dream of bringing fortune and raising his family's social status by selecting a propitious gravesite did not come true.