• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.49 no.3
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• pp.270-285
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• 2016

Various opinions and discussions have been actively in progress which are connected with cultural heritage since 'Sustainable Development Goals, SDGs' was announced by UN Sustainable Development Summit 2015 as Post-2015 Development Agenda. Apart from SDGs, conservation of cultural heritage itself stands on the basis of sustainability that originality, characteristic, diversity of cultural heritage should be permanently preserved. From that point of view, it is necessary to understand practical ODA for cultural heritage, far from theoretical approaches and policies. This paper is intended to look into the domestic and overseas situation related to ODA of Asian cultural heritage and the mentioned problems, future plans and challenges. First, the background and concepts about ODA were described and then ODA projects which have been carried out by Japan and China as typical ODA countries for Southeast Asia were introduced. ODA of cultural heritage in Korea has relatively recently started for restoration work for historic sites of Laos and Cambodia and its scale and performance do not come to much yet. Therefore, to develop ODA of cultural heritage, there are suggestions as in the followings. First, it is necessary to have a long-term master plan of ODA projects for sustainability of cultural heritage. Second, based on the view from the long-term perspective, the selection and focus for ODA partner countries should be considered, avoiding short-term projects aiming at a number of countries. Not widespread existing projects by other countries, but the model of Korean ODA for cultural heritage only Korea can conduct should be prepared. The next thing is connection with sustainability, and ultimately the conservation of cultural heritage should result in benefit to the natives by giving an impetus to economy as well as fostering tourism of local areas. To accomplish that connection, educational training and building capacity are suggested as the most suitable alternatives. Cultural heritage of each country reflects its indigenous originality and characteristics, therefore, the restoration work should be conducted by people in each country as the best way. From this point of view, ACPCS held by National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage will take a role of a specialized training program in Korean way. Lastly, establishment of a control tower for ODA in Korea is necessary. JCIC(Japan Consortium for International Cooperation in Cultural Heritage), which was set up in Japan for sharing information, establishment of cooperation system and prevention of overlapped projects will be an example we can take into consideration.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.72
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• pp.67-95
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• 2018

Gyeong-san(經山) Jeong Won-yong(鄭元容, 1783~1873) passed the state examination in 1802(純祖 2), and he has been in office for about 70 years. Jeong Won-yong with excellent administrative ability, he was an important figure in the Sedo politics, and was recognized by many writers for his outstanding writings. Nevertheless, his research results are small. This paper studyed his literary theories as a preliminary to look at Jeong Won-yong's literature in general After examining the features of Jeong Won-yong, there were three main aspects. First, Jeong Won-yong had a negative view of imitation. In particular, he stressed that he should oppose the attitude of unconditionally following Go-in(古人) without considering his capabilities and express his intention. Second, Jeong Won-yong pursued Jin-ui(眞意) when he wrote a poem. He thought rather than think that it is important to decorate a poem, it is important that emotion is exposed to the poem in a natural way. And he tried to unfold his individuality in the poem without copying others. Because if he imitate someone else when he write a poem, it is hard to express his thinking. His negative view of imitation and he pursued Jin-ui(眞意) are closely related. Lastly, Jeong Won-yong considered records important. Jeong Won-yong's record spirit is deeply related to his government service life. Jeong Won-yong who had been in government service all his life, hoped his experience would help manage the country. That's why he thought records were very important. And through this recording behavior, he wanted to get help later on. So it seems that he left a vast works.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.69
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• pp.9-44
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• 2017

Seonsaengan(先生案) is the predecessor's lists. The list includes the names of the predecessor, the date of the appointment, the date of return, the previous job, and the next job. Therefore, previous studies on the local recruitment and Jungin (中人) that can not be found in general personnel information of the Joseon dynasty were conducted. However, the status and classification of the list has not been achieved yet. So this study aims to clarify the status, classification and data characteristics of the list. 176 books, are the Joseon dynasty lists of predecessors, remain to this day. These lists are in Jangseogak(47 cases), Kyujanggak(80 cases), the National Library of Korea(24 cases) and other collections(25 cases). Jangseogak has lists of royal government officials, Kyujanggak has lists of central government officials, and the National Library of Korea and other collections have lists of local government officials. However, this paper focuses on accessible Jangseogak list of 47 cases. As I mentioned earlier, the Jangsaegak lists are generally related to the royal government officails. This classification includes 18 central government officials, 5 local government officials, and 24 royal government officails. If the list is classified as contents, it can be classified into six rituals and diplomatic officials, 12 royal government officials, 5 local government officials, 14 royal tombs officials, and 10 royal education officials. Through the information on the list, the following six characteristics can be summarized. First, it can be finded the basic personal information about the recorded person. Second, the period of office and reasons for leaving the office and office can be known. Third, changes in the office system can be confirmed. Fourth, it can be looked at one aspect of the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty through the previous workplace and the next job. Fifth, it is possible to know days that are particularly important for each government. Sixth, the contents of work evaluation can be confirmed. This is the reality of the Joseon Dynasty, which is different from the contents recorded in the Code. Through this, it is possible to look at the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty. However, in order to carry out a precise review, it is necessary to make a database for 176 lists. In addition, if data is analyzed in connection with existing genealogy data, it will be possible to establish a basis for understanding the personnel administration system of the Joseon Dynasty.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.33
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• pp.31-56
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• 2008

Jang Hyeon-gwang(張顯光, 1554-1637), whose pseudonym or courtesy name is 'Yeoheon(旅軒)', had made a thorough study on the intrinsic nature of Neo-Confucianism in a more sincere fashion, when comparing him with other Neo-Confucianists in Joseon period. Also he was a renowned scholar who expanded its philosophical system in-depth. Yeoheon thereby had strengthened his philosophical system accordant with the Great Learning(大學) and Doctrine of the Mean(中庸), which are the fundamental systems of Neo-Confucianistic education. Based on such considerations, Yeoheon's thought on education can be illuminated from three different perspectives. First, Yeoheon deepened his a theory of good governance by a virtuous ruler(聖人君主論, pronounced, 'Seongingunjuron') as the standard of education. Essentially, his theory pursues Refraining from desire, and preserving the laws of nature(存天理?人欲, pronounced, 'Joncheolliarinnyok'), and put emphasis on ethical awakening, and the governance through a virtue of moral excellence. Second, Yeoheon stressed the learning theories related to 'sincerity' or true heart(誠) and 'piety' or 'respect'(敬)) as the form of education(誠敬, pronounced, 'Seonggyeong'). Also he expounded that people needs "to establish a ground of Respect and Sincerity in their mind." He recognized the differences between the two virtues, meanwhile, however, he understood it as in an identical context. Third, Yeoheon advocated harmony between separation and integration(分合, pronounced, 'Bunhap') as a method for education. Through his unique 'Discourse on Longitude and Latitude', dubbed, 'Li-Gi Gyeongwiseol (理氣經緯說) in which the principle(Li, 理) is equal to the intrinsic energy or material force(Gi, 氣), he maintained his view on the Doctrine of the Mean, in that he was not inclined to either sides according to the logic of Change(易, pronounced 'Yeok'). When reviewing Yeoheon's contemplation in education in the meaning of modern education, he laid the standards for education on the establishment of morality, and he also provides us with an idea which induces us to look through the form and method for education from the perspective of Doctrine of the Mean. In short, Yeoheon's view on education embodies wisdom of traditional Neo-Confucianistic Education having consistency, and it provides for an implication of the review of the importance of the balance in relation to methodological bias toward confusion in the standards for modern education, and unsystematic contents therein.

• (The)Study of the Eastern Classic
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• no.57
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• pp.263-299
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• 2014

This study aims to look into weapons names mentioned in "Unhae", a book of traditional martial arts annotated into Korean. Comprehensive conclusions drawn from this are as follow. First, the annotated martial arts book is compiled to the order of Muyejaebo of year 1598, Muyejaebobunyuksokjib(A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo) of year 1610, Moojesinbo of year 1759, and Muyedobotongji of year 1790. Second, in the martial arts book are a total of 24 weapons with 4 types of spears, swords, bare hands & poles, and horseback weapons. Weapon names of ?Unhae? taken into detailed analysis, spears are 5 types of Jangchang (long spears), Jukjangchang (long spears made of bamboo), Keechang (flagged spears), Dgangpa (skewered spears), and Nangseon (forked spears). Swords are 10 types of Ssangsoodo (two-handed swords), Yedo (pointed swords), Waegum (Japanese swords), Waegumkyojun (Japanese battle swords), Jedokgum (Admiral's swords), Bongukgum (native swords), Ssanggum (coupled swords), Woldo (moon swords), Hyupdo (narrow swords), Deungpae (swords made of rattan). Bare hands & poles are 3 types of Gwonbeop (fists), 7070 Gonbang (clubs), and Pyeon-gon (flailed clubs). Horseback weapons are 6 types of flagged spears, MasangSsanggum (coupled horseback spears), MasangWoldo (horseback moon swords), MasangPyeon-gon (horseback flailed clubs), Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures). Third, spears of the martial arts book, "Unhae" had the function as long weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Swords had the function as short weapons, and were used for military drills of the infantry. Bare hands & poles had the function as short weapons and were used for military drills of the infantry. Horseback weapons composed of short and long weapons were used for military drills of the cavalry. In addition to these, Kyukgoo (striking poles), and Masangjae (horse postures) were martial arts to which entertaining elements were added. Fourth, the difference in its compiling is that Mooyejebo and A annotated attachment to Mooyejebo place both Chinese characters and Korean annotation in the context together with introduction of weapons while Moojedobo Tongji explains weapons in Chinese and compiles a separate copy of Korean annotation that explains mainly postures in each lineage of martial arts for soldiers to acquire practical skills.

• The Journal of Korean Philosophical History
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• no.32
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• pp.79-112
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• 2011

Since Noron(老論) had organized in the period of Sookjong(肅宗), it constantly had led the political situation of Choson until Choson(朝鮮) perished as the grasping political power. Studies and thoughts development of Noron can be devided into four periods. First, the term of politics of faction of the period of Sookjong. Second, a period of Youngjo(英祖) and Joungjo(正祖). Third, a period of politics of power(勢道政治). Fourth, the latter term of 19century. We can look into an origin and development aspect in outline by dividing like this. The general character of Noron can be summarized by the respect of Song Si-yeol(宋時烈, 1607-1689), the theory of a party of a man of virtue(君子黨論) based on the theory of moral civilization of Choson(朝鮮中華論), the succession of Lee i(李珥; 1636-1684)'s neo-confucianism, rejecting all teaching that does not conform to neoconfucianism and protecting right studies, and oppression of Roman Catholic. The noticeable scholars of Noron were Kwon sang Ha(權尙夏; 1641~1721), Kim chang hyup(金昌協; 1651~1708), Lee jea(李縡; 1680~1746) etc. These scholars of Noron following Song Si-yeol had tried to raise "Learning of the Way"(正明道) by respecting Zushi and removing injustice(尊朱子攘夷狄), also believed people should embody moral values in their society and country. and possessed an will guiding to stabilize the country by rejecting uncivilization(尊王攘夷). Above all, they insisted, the King of Choson should rule with 'lighting heavenly reason'(明天理). Also they insisted the King and countrymen should together strive to recover civilization of moral humanity and destroy uncivilzation. But gradually they lost the motive and purpose of moral politics in the seventeenth century. Finally Noron Byeokpa(?派) take over the reins of government. It resulted in the bad effect of politics of autocrat(勢道政治) having their own way to use power of authority after death of Jungjo(正祖). The peculiar character of Noron politics can valued as the extreme aspect of 'according of politics and scholarship'(政學一致).

• Korean Journal of Heritage: History & Science
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• v.54 no.1
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• pp.138-163
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• 2021

The Buyeo Wangheungsa Temple was excavated 15 times by the Buyeo National Research Institute of Cultural Heritage by 2015. In doing this, it was confirmed that the attached buildings were placed in the east and west along with the central Sangharama building. Various building sites were established in the western section of the temple, and various buildings were placed inside, and this pattern was estimated in the eastern section. In this article, the structure and function of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple were focused on the planar structure and excavated artifacts. The most distinctive feature of the attached buildings of the Wangheungsa Temple is their construction alongside the central Sangharama building. It is different from the building to the Neungsan-ri Temple, which was expanded gradually. The attached buildings in the east and west of the lecture hall are presumed to be living space for monks who used solitary rooms, and the attached buildings in the east and west of the main hall were a combination of public work space used for things such as administration, ceremonies, and reception. Next, looking at the outer space of the central Sangharama, the western section was likely constructed at the same time as the central Sangharama. However, if you look at the building site inside the western section, the function has been changed in two stages. The first stage was a ritual space, and it is evident that the western section has a separate entrance and sidewalk and that the workshop was used as a monastery space in the second stage. Finally, there is a distinct possibility that the eastern part of the complex was an important section. Although this space is presumed to be composed of triple towers and halls, it must be have been approached in various ways and included structures related to the operation of temples, such as the monastery space. From this point on, the overall appearance of Baekje temples can be recovered through access to temple structures in a wide variety of ways, including studies of the attached buildings.

• Journal of the Daesoon Academy of Sciences
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• v.35
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• pp.39-71
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• 2020

Ever since gaining liberation in 1945, Korean society has constantly recalled memories of Japan's invasion and Korea's anti-Japanese movements for an independent state (AMIS). In the process, a small number of new religious groups were also identified as main subjects within AMIS. However, the logic necessary to connect these religious groups with AMIS was still weak. In order to solve this situation academically, the purpose of this article is to illuminate the activities of Mugeukdo (無極道) and Jo Jeongsan (趙鼎山) through the lens of AMIS and to reflect on the issues that will arise when linking the religion with AMIS. Regarding this purpose, this article analyzed the internal and external data collected by Daesoon Jinrihoe (大巡眞理會) about Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo's activities linked to AMIS. Later, this paper presents several tasks for future research on this subject matter. Specifically, according to Chapter II, the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo were generally centered on resistance at the family level, Jo Jeongsan's order to participate in the March 1st Movement, and Mugeukdo's industrial activities. In Chapter III, I reviewed the contents of Chapter II using Daesoon Jinrihoe's external materials. According to the results of the review, future research is required to discover and cross-check materials related to the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo believers. Likewise, further research is needed to highlight the theory of the enthronement of emperor (天子登極說) and the Great Opening of the later world (後天開闢) in terms of AMIS. These efforts can make contributions that increase the credibility of Daesoon Jinrihoe's internal data on the AMIS of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo and expand the periphery of AMIS as it relates to certain religious groups. Subsequently, in Chapter IV, I present three items for reflecting upon the connection between certain religious groups and AMIS. The first is that criteria for establishing the category of AMIS is necessary to determine whether religious activities can be included. Second, reductionist approaches make it difficult to explain the reasons why some of the people who participated in AMIS did so while forming 'new religious movements,' and why these groups have maintained their religious identity even after liberation was achieved in 1945. Third, it is necessary to distinguish between the primary and the secondary dimensions to elaborate on the connection between these religions and AMIS. This means that researchers should be expected to look at whether the activities in question are based on a religious worldview and whether the goal of the activities is the realization of AMIS or the implementation of some aspect of that religious worldview. In the future, considering the mechanisms that make AMIS memorable in Korea, religious groups and religious studies should take greater interest in discovering and accumulating data that facilitates research on these topics. At the same time, effort should be made to find the basis for AMIS within religious worldviews. It can also be made possible through specific interest in further elaboration on the various AMIS-related activities of Jo Jeongsan and Mugeukdo.

• Journal of the Korean Regional Science Association
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• v.39 no.1
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• pp.53-66
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• 2023

Due to COVID-19, the external activities of urban residents have greatly shrunk, causing a lot of damage to the commercial district, such as a decrease in population and sales. The downturn in commercial districts means the collapse of the infrastructure of the national economy, and can have serious side effects on the local economy and individual lives. Therefore, it is necessary to look at the alley commercial area, which is closely related to the national local economy, and pay attention to the damage and stagnation of the alley commercial area where small business owners are concentrated. The purpose of this study is to classify alley commercial districts into growth commercial districts and decline commercial districts by using commercial sales time series data and DTW time series group analysis for the pre- and post-COVID-19 period. The main findings of the study are as follows. First, using the time series data on commercial sales before and after COVID-19, the alley commercial districts were divided into growth commercial districts and decline commercial districts, and it was confirmed that the distribution of growth commercial districts and decline commercial districts was regionally different. Therefore, it is necessary to actively manage commercial districts in areas where many declining commercial districts are distributed, and it is required to prepare policies for each region in consideration of the spatial distribution of declining commercial districts. Second, during the COVID-19 period, face-to-face essential industries, density of guest facilities, and population density negatively affected the sustainability of commercial districts, which is the opposite of previous studies. This is the result of empirically confirming the specificity of the COVID-19 period and the negative effects of the integrated economy, and can be used as basic data for effective commercial district management and policy preparation in the event of a national disaster in the future. Third, the characteristics of the background of the commercial district had a significant effect on the sustainability of the commercial district, and the negative effect of the attracting facilities inducing population concentration in the background area was found. This suggests that it is necessary to consider the characteristics of the background as well as the inside of the commercial district when establishing policies to revitalize the commercial district and support small business owners in a national disaster situation.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.41 no.1
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• pp.10-20
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• 2023

Zhū Xī, the representative of Confucianism, and Báiyùchán, the representative of Taoism in the South Song Dynasty, showed different sense of appreciation and enjoyment on the same space that was Mountain Wǔyí in their ideologically cultural ways. Based on the temples Wŭyíjīngshè(武夷精舍) where Zhū Xī stayed and Zhĭzhĭān(止止庵) where Báiyùchán resided, this study revealed their lives in such temples to look into their appreciation on ideology and space. Then, based on the words 'YiBoEumYeong [移步吟詠]' shown on the poetry they chanted in relation with Wǔyíjiǔqū from its 1^st valley to its 9^th valley, this study examines their understanding of scenery and system of appreciation that appeared in dynamic ways to conclude: First, even same scenery shows different understanding of scenery and appreciation of space in accordance with the viewers' thinking ways of culture. Second, as the Confucianism and Taoism influenced in ideologically cultural ways to develop each other in the Song dynasty, they absorbed their merits each other to supplement shortcomings in their own. In this process, they made it clear that their own propositions were different between them in their essential meanings although they used common terms for such propositions. Third, as the Confucian master who compiled the Neo-Confucianism of the South Song dynasty, Zhū Xī regarded Wŭyíjīngshè and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a place of learning and a place of seeking the truth to go for 'being unified with nature' so that everyday life can be united with Tao of Li [理] everywhere beyond the limited appreciation of the scenery. That is, this thought works for 'recovery of nature of our own [復其性]', the learning goal of Confucianism, and is aimed to 'cultivate the essential nature of our own(性情涵養)' through such beautiful nature. Fourth, as the master of Keumdan family of the South Song Taoism, Báiyùchán regarded Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū as a Taoist temple that has a long history rooting from Taesangwon temple, a clean place of discipline to become a Taoist hermit through hard training. He, therefore, directly referred to Zhĭzhĭān and Wǔyíjiǔqū in relation with the Taoist legends remaining in Wǔyíjiǔqū such as hermits' dinners, female hermits, leaving the human world as a hermit and so on as ways for becoming a hermit so that he went for the level of perfectly going out of human world and becoming a hermit. He, therefore, defined Mountain Wǔyí as a world and universe of hermits where he himself too hovered between outside and inside of poetry literature as a hermit through the mood and attitude of keeping himself enjoying the scenery as a hermit.