• 한국식품조리과학회지
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• 제23권2호통권98호
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• pp.235-244
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• 2007

This study was performed to investigate Seoul undergraduate students' thoughts on funeral rites and sacrificial rituals as well as ritual foods. A total of 542 students offered answers that the importance of sacrificial rituals was connected to filial piety for the ancestor, the customs descended from the past, and the belief that descendents received fortunes. The students didn't know the funeral rites process, but acknowledged they needed to know funeral rites, and would perform their parents' sacrificial rituals. We also found that students whose hometowns were Gangwondo and Jejudo were familiar with sacrificial rituals foods as well as their preparation and cooking. Also, the older the students, the better they knew the funeral rites process, sacrificial rituals and ritual foods. There were great differences in sacrificial rituals according to parent and student religions. Buddhists knew the most about funeral rites and sacrificial rituals, followed by Roman Catholics and agnostics. Protestant Christians were not interested in sacrificial rituals. The funeral rites process and the handing down of sacrificial ritual foods had significant differences based on sibling number. The more brothers and sisters in a family, the more committed they were to performing their parents' sacrificial rituals and the higher their interest in sacrificial ritual foods.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제11권5호
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• pp.699-710
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• 1996

The sacrificial foods using at 88 villages in Andong area where the village sacrificial rituals are performed, were investigated in 1994. The finding are as follows; 1. Since the village sacrificial rituals keep ancientry, white Baeksulki without any ingredients is used as Ddock (a steamed rice cake) in 74 villages, and in 5 villages the Baeksulki was served just in Siru (a tool used to prepare Ddock). The type of meat serving in rituals has been changing from large animal to small animal and the type of light from bowl-light to candle. 2. Though the ritual observes Confucianism style, memorial address was offered in 34 villages and only in 8 villages, liquor was served 3 times and the address was offered. In 60 villages, liquor was served only once, and calling village god, bowing twice, and burning memorial address paper were performed in order. Burning paper has been meaningful in rituals. 3. Tang (a stew) was served in 21 villages, and in 18 villages even Gook (a soup) was not used. The numbers of village which do not use cooked rice and Ddock are 14, respectively. 4. Fruits are essential in rituals foods. In 63 villages, 3 kinds of fruits are served and this is contrasted with even number of fruits in Bul-Chun-Wi Rituals. 5. In 25 villages, fish and meat are not served. As meat, chicken in 19 village are served. Meat Sikhae (a fermented rice beverage) prepared with meats or fish are served in 5 villages. Slice of dried meat is served in 73 villages commonly. 6. In gender of god for village shrine, woman in 43 villages, couple in 17 villages, man in 9 villages, mountain god in 2 villages, villages tree, etc were enshrined. In 52 villages liquor is served in rituals (liquor is used in 58 villages including serving god), in 28 villages sweet liquor (Gamju) is served for god (sweet liquor is used in 46 villages), and liquor, water, or sweet liquor is just displayed on table but not served in 8 villages. Incensing is found to be not common in village ritual, only in two villages it is performed. The most appropriate rituals food is thought to be pig for mountain god. Home dishes can not be used in village ritual and spoon is not used and chopstick is prepared from wild plant. Meat and fish are used in the raw.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제13권4호
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• pp.241-260
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• 1998

1. Both the festival held in Confucian temple to honor Confucius or a religious ceremony in Korean traditional lecture-hall are the sacrificial rituals which is the mark of the respect for prescholars and these rituals has been followed the rules written in the book,'Yaegi' 2. For the Food formal display for the festival in Confusian temple of Chinese Gukjagam, Pebak(clothes), Mohyul(hair and blood), and the ritual food dishes, such as Byun 10, Doo 10, Gang 3 (Deung 1, Hyung 2), Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 3 (Taeraeu as beef dish 1, Soraeu as sheep and pork dishes 2), Joo(alcohol) 3 were displayed, while in Juhyunhak, Byun 8, Doo 8 were displayed. In Taesangji edited around in 1873 in Korea, for the Confucian shrine Pebak, Mohyul, Byun 10, Doo 10, Deung 3, Hyung 3, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 6 (raw 3, cooked 3), Joo 3 were displayed. In pedantry Confucian temple, Pebak, Byun 8, Doo 8, Bo 2, Cue 2, Jo 2 (raw sheep and pork), Joo 3 were displayed while Mohyul was omitted, which this type of display was almost identical through the nationwide survery for the Confucian food display. Some of the Confucian food display, most of the display for Bo and Cue have been changed to Bo 1 and Cue 1, and one fifth of the Confucian display for Byun and Doo also has been changed in the numbers and food varieties. 3. In most of the sacrificial ritual food display in the Korean traditional lecture-hall, Pebak (some not applicable), Byun 4, Doo 4, Bo 1, Cue 1, Jo 1 (raw), Joo 1 were displayed. In these days, the number of the Confucian temple where the sacrificial rituals is not held, has been increased. 4. For the names of food for the Byun and Doo dishes, mostly the old names are used, however, minor changes in materials and cooking method have been found.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제11권4호
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• pp.439-454
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• 1996

The present study investigated Bul-Chun-Wi Sacrificial Ritual (sacrificial service which has been handed down from generation to generation to worship the family ancestors in the period of $1400{\sim}1800$) and foods for the sacrificial service among fourteen head families in Andong area. The findings are as follows; 1. In Bul-Chun-Wi Sacrificial Rituals, family shrine has been maintained in good shape, and the table, dishes, and foods used in the rituals have not been changed so much until these days. 2. While vegetable soup is widely used as soup, one family uses the seaweed soup, the other soup mixed with meat, fish, and vegetable. Specially soybean-powdered soup, which is the distinguishable food in Andong area, has been used. 3. As a basic Ddock, mainly Si-Ru-Ddock(a steamed rice cake), piled up to 13-15 stacks, is used. Additional 7-9 kinds of Ddock are placed on top of the basic Ddock. 4. For grilled-meat food(Geuck), eight families use the raw meat, and one family uses the half-cooked meat. Recently, five families have used the cooked meat. Mostly used ones are meat-Geuck, fish-Geuck, chicken-Geuck, and the Geuck are not served one by one. Instead the Geuck are stacked in one dish designed for Geuck in order of meats from poultry, animal, fish, and shell. As the sub-dishes for rice, raw and cooked Geuck are used. 5. The number of stew (Tang) are 3 to 6 and 5 stews is the most popular. Commonly used stews are meat stew, fish stew, chicken stew, vegetable stew, blood stew, and organs stew. For the vegetable stew, buckwheat gel can be used. 6. As the fruit, chinese date, pear, nut and dried persimmons are the basic ones. The even number of 6 or 8 colorful fruits are used, while the odd number of 7 or 9 colorful fruits are used in three head families. 7. As Sik-Hae which is a drink and made from fermented rice, rice Sik-Hae or fish Sik-Hae has been necessarily used. 8. As raw meat dish, the liver of cow or meat is used. As a wrapping materials, the reticulum of a ruminant, green seaweed or thinly fried egg can be used.

• 대순사상논총
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• 제42집
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• pp.1-44
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• 2022

이 글은 대순진리회 도장에서 개최되는 치성 의례의 의미를 재확인하고 그 정체성을 읽은 것이다. 첫째, 기존의 연구들은 대순진리회 치성이 회생 또는 도통이라는 종교적 목적을 발원함에 그 의미가 있다고 하였으나, 이 글은 치성의 주된 목적이 거기에 한정되는 것이 아님을 주장하였다. 왜냐하면 대순진리회의 1차 자료는 치성을 신들에게 올리는 경축·기념·감사·찬양·고유·사죄이며, 신앙인들의 굳건한 믿음[誠信]의 표현으로 정의하고 있기 때문이다. 또한 여러 종류의 치성을 연행하는 목적도 그 의미가 신을 향한 기도나 발원보다는, 특정한 의사를 전달하는 소통과 교환에 있음을 보여준다. 둘째, 한국 의례사에서 볼 때, 대순진리회의 치성은 유교의 제사나 환구제와 비교하면 그들과 다른 차이가 상당하다는 사실도 확인할 수 있다. 유교의 제사나 환구제의 입장에서는 대순진리회 치성이 매우 이질적으로 보인다. 따라서 대순진리회 치성의 정체성은 한국의 종교문화 전통을 계승했거나 변용한 것이 아니라, 근대 이후 새롭게 발명된 것으로 파악해야 한다. 즉 대순진리회 치성은 '발명된 천제'다.

• 한국산업융합학회 논문집
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• 제12권3호
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• pp.121-128
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• 2009

This study is for getting sacrificial service, discussing process of sacrificial rituals and understanding the composition of space in Dong-gok Jaesa. For these things, we're arranged for exact blueprint through actual survey and analyzed the architectural features. Dong-gok Jaesa has features which show centripetal space organization with strong closing sparsely. This is intended for sincerity during ritual which is processed without obstruction. This is a mixed form which is unified both straight dwelling and Jung Dang Hyeop Sil type. And this is for all functions which is necessary for Jaesa architecture in only one building. And this is used with organizing technique for space utility with connection of compartments and various enlargement and partition. Through these things, even though it is not a big Jaesa, it shows that this is Korea traditional composition of space technique according to several purposes.

• 역사민속학
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• 제33호
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• pp.115-143
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• 2010

본고에서는 기존의 연구가 풍수·지리학과 미술사 등에 편중된 현상에서 벗어나 국가의례의 관점에서 조선초기 왕릉제사의 제도적 마련과 의식 정비, 종묘와의 차별성, 그리고 능행의 정치사적 의미 등을 천착함으로써 왕릉의 역사적 위치를 찾아보고자 하였다. 왕릉 제사는 태조 즉위년 추존 4대왕(비)과 신의왕후의 제릉이 조성된 후 능직(陵直)과 수호군(守護軍)이 설정되고, 사맹월(四孟月)·삭망(朔望)·속절(俗節) 등의 제사가 정해지면서 시작되었다. 능제는 태종 초반 신의왕후 한씨의 제릉에 친제가 거행되면서 정리되기 시작했다. 특히 동왕 8년 태조의 사망으로 건원릉(健元陵)이 조성되어 흉례가 시행되고, 2년 후 3년상이 끝나면서 본격적으로 제사의 시행 및 의식의 정비가 모색되었다. 왕릉 주변의 금지(禁止)설정, 능제의 재정 확보, 건원릉친제의(健元陵親祭儀)와 섭행의(攝行儀)의 제정 등이 그 실례이다. 이후 세종즉위년에 정종, 동왕 2년에 태종비 원경왕후, 동왕 4년 태종이 잇달아 사망함으로써 후릉과 헌릉이 각각 조성되었다. 이 과정에서 흉례와 관련된 제반 의식들이 재검토되었고, 제사와 관련된 여러 세부 사항들과 배릉의(拜陵儀)가 수정·보완되었다. 그 내용은 이후 부분적 수정을 거쳐 국조오례의의 길례조와 흉례조에 수록되었다. 왕릉에서 시행된 제사는 사맹월의 시제와 삭망, 속절(정조, 한식, 단오, 추석, 동지, 납일) 등 다양한데, 당시 종묘 및 원묘인 문소전에서 시행된 것과 동일하였다. 이러한 방식은 고려 이래의 전통으로 사시제(四時祭)가 능제에서 배제된 중국사의 경험과 달랐다. 그런데 조선의 능제는 국가 사전(祀典)에 대사(大祀)로 편입된 고려시대와 달리 속제(俗祭)라는 별도의 체계속에 포함시킴으로써 국가의 대사인 종묘와 구분되었다. 아울러 능제를 흉례의 체계에 부가(附加)시킨 중국과 달리 왕릉 관련 의식을 흉례와 길례로 각각 구분하여 편입시키는 독자성을 보였다. 왕릉의 제사 시기가 종묘 및 원묘와 동일하다는 사실은 왕의 친행이 종묘보다는 왕릉에 집중시키는 결과를 낳았다. 태조~성종의 102년간 종묘의 국왕친제가 41회에 불과한 반면 왕릉에는 170회에 걸쳐 이루어졌고, 문소전에서는 85년간 99회의 친제가 진행되었다. 이러한 현상으로 원묘인 문소전의 폐지 및 왕릉에서의 사시제 폐지를 주장하는 여론은 조선전기 내내 끊임없이 제기되었다. 결국 임진 왜란 과정에서 원묘인 문소전은 파괴되었지만 복구되지 못하였고, 왕릉의 사시제는 인조대에 이르러 폐지되기에 이르렀다. 이후 왕릉제사는 속절제(납일 제외)를 중심으로 운영되었다. 조선시대 제사에 왕이 참여한 사례는 예상외로 많지 않다. 대표적인 제사대상인 종묘의 경우에도 대략 2~3년에 한번씩 왕의 친행이 이루어졌을 뿐이었다. 반면에 왕릉의 친제는 매년 수차례에 걸쳐 이루어졌다. 누대의 선왕이 모여 있는 혼전(종묘)보다는 육신이 안치된 개별 능에 인간적인 친근감을 느끼고, 능행중에 원찰에의 행행이 쉬웠으며, 능제가 속제이기 때문에 제사과정이 간략하다는 이유 등이 결합되어 나타난 것이다. 장엄한 의장을 갖추어 진행된 능행은 일반 민에게 우리의 '왕'을 알리는 동시에 그들의 생활상을 왕이 직접 관찰하여 통치의 기반으로 삼았던 중요한 정치적 행위였다. 아울러 초기의 국왕들은 능행의 과정에서 강무(講武), 대열(大閱), 진법(陣法) 등 군사훈련을 상시적으로 시행함으로써 그들의 군사통수권을 과시하는 정치 수단으로 이용하였다.

• 복식
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• 제5권
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• pp.83-101
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• 1981

This study is to research and analyse the Musicians' Costumes in Yi dynasty. Each costume for the musicians was, at that time, different in its design and style in accordance with what class the musicians were belonging to and what ceremony they were playing for, and the form and substance of them were changed according to the ages. In the early of Yi dynasty, the musicians wore their costumes imitated from the Song dynasty's. Especially in the 13th year of King Sae-Jong(1431), they divided the costumes into A-ag-Seo Jeon-ag Gwan-bog(雅樂署 典樂冠服) and Jeon-ag-Seo Gwan-bog(典樂署冠服). Meanwhile the musicians had to put on their different kinds of costumes according to the sorts of ceremonies they were playing for since January of the 16th year of king Sae-Jong(1434). It is widely known that confucianism was made a national policy in Yi dynasty. Compared the musicians' costumes for sacrificial rituals, however, with those for every kind of ceremony, one was simpler and shabbier without any strictly established forms than the other. At the same time, the musicians' costumes for ceremonies were, instead, designed in more gorgeous forms; it means that the sacrificial ritual was very lightly dealt at that time. It is very difficult to define, by standard pictures the whole style and form of the musicians' costumes in Yi dynasty in this study. Since we haven't shown any examples of the costumes, this attempt will be keepful.

• 한국의류학회지
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• 제32권6호
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• pp.935-946
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• 2008

종교는 인간을 궁극적인 삶의 조건과 관련시키는 일련의 상징적인 형식과 행위이다. 종교사상은 상징을 통해 세상을 이해하고 또 상징을 통해 행위를 유발한다. 본 연구는 종교가 복식에 미치는 영향과 그 메커니즘을 규명하는데 목적을 두고 문헌을 중심으로 연구를 하였다. 세계 고등 종교 중 불교, 힌두교, 이슬람교를 중심으로 연구하였으며, 종교의 여러 구성요소가 의례로 표현되고, 복식으로 표출되는 메커니즘을 연구하며, 그러한 일련의 과정을 도식화하여 제시하는 것에 목표가 있다. 믿음체계, 경험, 공동체, 의례 등 종교의 구성요들은 긴밀한 상호 연관성을 갖는다. 특히 의례는 종교적 의미를 표현하는 상징적 행위이자 실천이며, 구원의 방편이다. 모방의례, 긍정적 혹은 부정적 의례, 희생의례, 통과의례 등의 종교적 의례들은 제사와 같은 종교 예식은 물론, 종교음악이나 복식, 건축, 미술 등의 조형예술로 표현되어 왔다. 종교는 삶의 의미를 밝혀 주고, 불안이나 갈등과 같은 문제의 해결책을 제시해 주는 신앙체제로서 복식을 포함한 문화 전반에 큰 영향력을 끼쳐 오고 있다.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제4권3호
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• pp.213-219
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• 1989

In this paper we investigate the table settings of Korean ceremonial foods for Honrye (a marriage ceremony) and Jerye (sacrificial rituals). According to the procedure of Honrye, the tables for Honrye are to be the divided into four classes; Bongchisang for Nappe ceremony, Choroyechungsang for Chorye ceremony, Keunsang for the bride and bridegroom and Pyebecksang for Kyungugorye ceremony. Jerye is to be divided into several classes; Shunjoje, Shijoje, Leeje, Kheeilje, Myoje, Sokjeulje, Sasije, and so on. Foods for Jerye are a little different from those for Honrye, but the form of table settings for Jerye is similar to that of Keunsang in Horye. Each table setting for Honrye and Jerye has its own form, that represents the meaning of that ceremony. Furthermore, foods prepared for Honrye and Jerye have the Korean dual principle of the negative and positive.