• 한국식품조리과학회지
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• 제28권6호
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• pp.731-740
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• 2012

This study was made to the adult females over 20's in the family that prepared the ritual food personally or in the family that conducts ritual or did not do the ritual for the religious reasons. And based on the prepare method of the ritual food, ritual and recognition of ritual good. 245 responses which took up 80.86% had responded they do the ritual or semi-ritual and Buddhism was most prominent religion among them. The cost for ritual food also had statically significant differences by the age, marriage status and income and on the terms of the income, more the income was more they spend on the ritual food. The ritual utensil used for the ritual food also show significant differences by the age, marriage status, family make-up formation, religion. The form and meaning of the ritual have been changed as the society changes but is still important subject matter for most of homes. Responders were preparing the ritual with all the sincerity to their ancestors with practical and realistic decisions.

• 한국주거학회논문집
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• 제3권2호
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• pp.1-11
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• 1992

Dwelling house is not only simple shelter but the space involves symbolic feature of myth, religion and ritual. Through this study, compared the Shamanistic ritual space with that of Confucianism in the traditional dwelling houses in korea. The results are as follows: 1) Generally, the symbolism of 'Enthusiasm of Universe' and 'Central Idea' are similar, but 'the object of worship', 'the content of ritual' and 'background' are different. The Shamanistic ritual space is 'Sacred space'. and that of Confucialism is 'respect Space'. 2) As the character of space, Shamanistic ritual space is 'articulated space' and have tendency to seperate from the world. On the other hand, Confucion ritual space is integrated space and have tendency to extend by the feature and scale of the ritual. 3) Examing the supervisor of ritual, woman(housewife) is the center of shamanistic ritual space and man(house holder) is the center of Confucion ritual space.

• 역사민속학
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• 제52호
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• pp.197-250
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• 2017

관혼상제를 다룬 의례 매뉴얼의 출간과 필사가 일제강점기에 범람을 이루었다. 그러한 의례 매뉴얼은 대개 의례준칙, 사례서, 축문집, 종교예식서, 일용예식서 등 5종으로 분류될 수 있다. 이런 5종의 의례 매뉴얼은 목표와 내용이 서로 달랐지만, 당대 일반인들의 일상적인 민속과 종교의 형성에 깊은 관련이 있다는 점에서 상통하는 면이 있다. 당시 의례 매뉴얼은 엘리트 지식인의 지적인 성과물이기보다는 전근대의 예서와 문집에서 폭넓게 발췌하고 시대적 변화에 맞춰 첨삭을 가하는 수준에서 편집 발간된 것이며, 근대 인쇄술의 원조로 특정 계층에 제한되지 않고 폭넓게 유통되었다. 의례 매뉴얼은 깊이보다는 넓이를 강조하고 체화보다는 참조를 중시하는 민속지식을 대량으로 보급시키고 확산시켰다고 할 수 있다. 따라서 의례 매뉴얼에 대한 질적인 분석 못지않게 중요한 것이 그것이 얼마나 일반인들에게 참조되었는지를 판단하는 양적 이해라 할 수 있다. 일제강점기 의례 매뉴얼의 이해를 통해 당대는 물론 이후 20세기 민속의례 및 민속종교의 방향과 특질을 읽어내는 통로가 마련되길 기대한다.

• 한국주거학회논문집
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• 제24권6호
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• pp.51-59
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• 2013

The ritual for community is a group ritual performed by the regional community of a village for the safety of the residents and abundant harvests. However, many ritual places have been destroyed by the anti-superstition movement, New Community Movement (Saemaul Movement), industrialization and urbanization since the 1960s. Under the circumstances, this study researched the status of use of the ritual place in Beommul-dong in Daegu where the ritual was revived in 2004 after having been suspended since the end of the 1980s due to urbanization. The revival of the ritual for community in Beommul-dong in Daegu, which had been maintained by the village people alone, is the prime example of the vitalization of local community as the recreation of local community, since the ritual has been transformed into a kind of festival involved with and financed by the local government. The study on analyzing the usage pattern of the ritual place may provide useful sources to come up with the modernized functions of the ritual place as a community place, where the heads of the ward office and cultural center, lawmakers and most of the residents perform the ritual, share foods and tread on the God of the Earth across the village at 11:30 in the morning on every January 16 of the lunar calendar.

• 한국연극학
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• 제40호
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• pp.5-27
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• 2010

The Korean Mask-Dance Theatre has been developed closely related to Korean Shaman rituals. As many scholars noticed, the performers of the Mask-Dance Theatre were closely related to the Shaman family. In addition, there are mask-dance performances in actual shaman rituals. and are the representative performances among them. This essay intends to compare these two mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals to the similar performance of Old Grandpa and Grandma episode in the regional Mask-Dance Theatre. This study would bring us further in proving the close relation between the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. is one episode, Keori, in the shaman ritual of 'Baeyeonsin-kut' and 'Taedong-kut' in the mid-west seashore area. 'Taedong-kut' is the village shaman ritual for fertility and prosperity, while 'Baeyeonsin-kut' is a private shaman ritual for a large catch of the ship. is held in the later part of the whole shaman ritual since the later part tend to be more for entertainment than actual ritual. The story of is very similar that of in Pongsan Mask-Dance Theatre of the mid-west region. In addition, some of their dialogues are very similar. Only the later part is different. These similarities indicate that the Mask-Dance Theatre, which came into being in later period than the shaman ritual, has likely taken the story motif of the shaman ritual. is also a performance in the shaman ritual of east coasts. is more elaborate and recreational than of the west coasts. is also performed near the end of the ritual, and sometimes it is not performed at all. This indicates that has little ritual meaning left. When we compare it with the regional Mask-Dance Theatres such as Keosung Okwangdae, Tongyong Okwangdae, and Suyong Yaryu, the structure and the story lines are also very similar. It is a question why only the motif of the Grandpa and Grandma isfound both in the shaman ritual and the Mask-Dance Theatre. Many other motifs of other episodes in the Mask-Dance Theatre are not found in the shaman rituals. It seems that the Grandpa and Grandma motif is related to the ur-belief in fertility. In other words, this motif seems to be originated from the old belief in the fertility couple of Chonha Taechanggun and Jiha Yeochanggun. The shaman ritual for fertility first picked up this motif, and then the mask-dance theatre also adapted this motif for its recreational purpose. When we compare with , still has more aspects of fertility ritual, while lost its ritualistic meaning and its main purpose is to develop dramatic needs. and are invaluable existent performances to prove theatre's origin in ritual. The existence of mask-dance performances in the shaman rituals shows us the transit performance between theatre and ritual.

• 한국의류산업학회지
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• 제18권6호
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• pp.812-824
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• 2016

Morning grooming is a ritual daily held for transition from private to public life of an individual. Based on the previous literature's definition of the ritual characteristics, this study aims to identify the meaning of grooming rituals that are repeatedly performed every morning. Although many studies have conducted ritualistic analysis of the behaviors that are closely related to daily life, few studies analyze grooming from a ritualistic perspective. Establishing the ritual - that is, a person's distinct behavioral pattern-as the core concept, this study reveals the relationship between ritual performers and the ritual's composition to identify the meaning of the grooming ritual. The study conducts qualitative research with ten participants to identify the ritual characteristics of every-morning grooming and the factors that influence this ritual. Considering everyday grooming as a behavioral pattern that possesses mostly ritualistic elements, the study examines both the external characteristics that are shown through the methods of grooming and the internal characteristics that reflect the inherent symbolic meaning. This study contributes to extending the scope of the field. By understanding the factors that influence grooming rituals, companies can communicate their marketing messages regarding the step-by-step approach to grooming, thereby supporting consumers to effectively use various grooming products.

• 한국의상디자인학회지
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• 제16권4호
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• pp.49-62
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• 2014

This study is intended to historical research the Jebok(ritual robes) of Jirisan Namakje. Joseon Dynasty established Five Manners as a country-ruling policy on the basis of Confucianism, the religious clothes-wearing method has been established through Sejong Silok Five Manners and the ritual robes system of all the government officials has been handed down to the end of Joseon Dynasty. The ritual robes of all the government officials was worn at the timed of the religious ceremony included ritual manners, and ritual robes are composed of Yanggwan, Ui, Sang, Jungdan, Peasul, Hwan, Wu(a cord, a leather belt, a belt, jade, a mace, Bangsimgokryeong, Mal, Ri, etc., and the rank was classified by the number of the veritical line of Ynaggwan, a leather belt, Hwan, Wu and jade and typeof a mace. "Jongmyouigwe" during the reign of king Sukjong described exactly the Uicha and textile of the ritual robes at that time, the textile Ui used Heukju as same as "Jegiakgidogamuigwe", and jade was used only in case of the first rank ritual official and other government officials did not wear jase. Also, it was revealed that all officials used a wooden mace, and in case of Husu, the first rank ritual official used Jikseong and other official used a picture.

• 한국산학기술학회논문지
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• 제17권11호
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• pp.168-176
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• 2016

본 연구는 기혼자를 대상으로 가족여가의례와 가족여가의례 후 긍정적 부정적 효과가 결혼만족도에 미치는 영향을 살펴봄으로써 결혼만족도를 높일 수 있는 실천적 함의를 제공하는 데 목적이 있다. 이를 위해 기혼자 216명에 대한 설문조사 자료를 토대로 다변량분산분석과 위계적 회귀분석을 실시하였다. 주요 결과는 다음과 같다. 첫째, 가족여가의례의 주요활동은 '근교나들이'가 가장 높았고, 갈등요인은 '가족 공동의 시간을 갖기 어려워서'가 가장 높았다. 둘째, 가족여가의례는 연령에 따라 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 나타났다. 즉 30대 이상이 50대 이상보다 가족여가의례를 더 많이 실행하는 것으로 나타났다. 그리고 가족여가의례 후의 긍정적 부정적 효과는 성별에 따라 통계적으로 유의한 차이가 나타났다. 즉 기혼 남성이 기혼 여성보다 긍정적 효과를 높게 지각하였고, 기혼 여성이 기혼 남성보다 부정적 효과를 높게 지각하였다. 셋째, 가족여가의례와 가족여가의례 후 긍정적 부정적 효과는 결혼만족도에 통계적으로 유의한 영향을 미치는 것으로 나타났다. 즉 가족여가의례를 많이 실행할수록, 가족여가의례 후 긍정적 효과를 높이 지각할수록, 부정적 효과를 낮게 지각할수록 결혼만족도가 높아지는 것으로 나타났다. 이에 본 연구는 기혼자들이 가족여가의례 수행과정에서 긍정적인 인식을 높이기 위한 노력들이 필요함을 시사한다.

• 한국식생활문화학회지
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• 제5권1호
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• pp.101-106
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• 1990

The findings of the historical study of the proprieties of Korean traditional tea ritual, based on documents, are as follows. 1. The proprieties of tea ritual for the Imperial Sanctuary and the Buddhist proprieties of tea ritual for Buddha was celebrated during the Silla dynasty. 2. The proprieties of tea ritual during the Koryo dynasty developed in various types, such as the propreieties of tea ritual for the Imperial government, Buddha, Confucians.

• 건축역사연구
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• 제29권6호
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• pp.79-88
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• 2020

During the Joseon Dynasty, the rituals that were celebrated in the palaces were mainly held inside the palace and in the courtyard of the palace. Mats were spread on the floor of the place where the ritual was held. The mats spread in the Joseon Dynasty rituals divided the space in various ways, and in particular, they were spread in a certain form in the spaces of royal wedding, customs, and court banquet. Mats were the primary physical element that divided the royal ritual space of the Joseon Dynasty, and functioned to elevate the general space to the ritual space. In the ritual space, mats were spread inside the palace, and divided the courtyard of the palace into left and right in a symmetrical form to distinguish the hierarchy of the participants. Mats with special and white patterns were spread in the external ceremonial space and mats with flower and colorful patterns were spread in the internal ceremonial space. This was the subdivision of the Confucianism's male-female division through the mat. The pattern of the mat that divided the space of the royal family elders also meant longevity to reflect the filial thoughts of the Confucianism through the mat. Mats were a physical element for subdividing the royal family and the participants in the hierarchy of the space where the ritual is held, and it also performed a subdividing function between the royal participants. In other words, in the Joseon Dynasty ritual space, mats were temporarily spread while the ritual is being celebrated and functioned to elevate the space to a ritual space. It is confirmed that the fact that the mats were temporarily spread to divide the space into the hierarchies according to the status and were subdivided into colors and patterns to perform the function to reflect the subdivision of the royal family according to Confucianism and the statue of filial piety in the ritual.