• Journal of the Korean Geographical Society
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• v.31 no.2
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• pp.213-254
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• 1996

The Korean Geographical Society was founded in 1945, when Korea was liberated from the Japanese rule. And The Journal of the Korean Geography activated academic studies of geography by publishing research papers in it. Professor Kang, Dae-Hyun wrote the first two specialized papers of rural geography in 1966: " Flood Plain Settlements on the Han River" and "The Location and Form of the Dispersed Villages around Dae-Cwan-Ryung". The early studies of rural geography were not based on serious academic foundations, such as the adjustment of theoretical notions and a good grasp of subjects. After choosing subjects that came to hand without academic consideration. they simply enumerated generalized items of the results of the field work investigation such as the location the landscape and the process of formation of the settlements. In the 1970s and 1980s, however, rural settlement studies progressed remarkably in Korea. More than 80% of 318 dissertations, theses, or papers collected for this review were written in the late 1980s, and the subjects and methodology became diversified. As may be expected, recent studies are found very systematic and problem-solving in the various fields - contexual understanding spatial structure, the development of clan villages according to the socialization process, the effects of rural-out migration on the change of villages etc. Such a trend can be understood as a reaction to the circumstances under which, as the Western society already experienced, rural villages become washed out by the waves of industralization and urbanization and hardly continue to exist. In this paper, geographical studies of rural settlement which have been carried out in Korea last fifty years will be reviewed under the four headings on the studies related to a) farming villages; b) fishing villages; c) mountain villages: and d) special function villages. Studies of farming villages and related ones are very diverse. The results of the studies carried out last fifty years can be classified into sixteen subjects. Just as, in the West, studies of rural settlement have been mainly concerned with farming villages since rural geography came into being, so, in Korea, they have been centred on farming villages. It is a natural result considering the history of human life. Even in Korea, however the rural settlement is no more an isolated life space which keeps unique traditions of old life style, but it begins to form a dynamic life space connected to big cities by heavy traffic. Because the modern farming villages of Korea have an undetachable connection with the cities, special methodology to solve new problems has been posed in the studies of rural settlement. Many scholars have produced a lot of studies of farming villages, and three of them are prominent: Oh. Hong-Seok, Choi, Ki-Yeop, and Lee, Moon-Jong. Oh, Hong-Seok is a versatile and hard-working scholar who has published more papers than anyone else in the various fields of rural geography such as farming villages, fishing villages, mountain villages, and reclamation villages. And he has expanded his concerns to environment issues in recent years. Choi, Ki-Yeop has maintained that the prototype of Korean rural villages is clan villages continuing to write a series of good papers in which he pursues their regionalizion in the process of socialization. Lee, Moon-Jong divides the spatial organization of side settlement, sahachon (settlement near the temple), religion settlement, orchard settlement, settlement near the foreign military camp, displaced people's settlement. Chung Gam Lok settlement, etc. Though The Korean Geographical Society has half a century's history, academic activties in the field of rural settlement have been performed no more than thirty years. We cannot help saying that it is admirable that in such a rather short time we have five academical schools of the rural geography in Korea. geography in Korea.

• Journal of the Korean housing association
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• v.18 no.5
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• pp.65-72
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• 2007

What is the meaning of home to older people? How much is home significant for older people? How do they express self-identity through decorating their own homes? These are the new subjects that scholars in the West are involved in lately in terms of micro-perspective (George, 1998; Kellett, Gilroy & Jason, 2005; Gilroy & Kellett, 2006). It is evident that home has more significant meaning to older people than other age groups, since the older are more likely to spend greater time within the home through lower income, lessening mobility or loss of companions (Gilroy, 2005). Also the older tend to cling to their homes and attach to possessions than the younger. Older people's possessions are the things that memories of their lives were absorbed. Therefore, possession display can role as a mean of showing their past lives and memories. Gilroy and her colleagues (2005, 2006) found that there was a certain pattern of possession display in English older people's households, and that older people would like to express self-identity through decorating their own homes with their precious possessions. Then, isn't it interesting to find out if there is any pattern of possession display or decoration items in Korean older people's households as well? Thus, the aim of this study is to describe pattern of possession display as a mean of expressing self-identity in Korean older people's households. Interview with older people was used to find out the way and reason of display possessions. Observation method including taking photos and hand-drawings was also added in order to demonstrate detail condition of display items in the house. Possessions display and furniture arrangement in the living room and bedroom were investigated to find out a certain pattern of display and meaning. Research objects were healthy older people aged over 60, who are living independently from their adult children, and who can manage housekeeping by themselves. 32 households were investigated in the area of Seoul, Kyunggi, Chungchungnam, and Kangwon provinces. The findings demonstrate that most precious possession for Korean older people is photo of themselves; especially one taken in their younger age. The reason of it is because the photo reminds them of their heydays when they were vital. Photo of the most beloved one is displayed more frequently in the bedroom than in the living room indicating consistence with English case. As symmetrical display pattern was dominant in case of English older people's households, no dominant display pattern is found in Korean case. Korean older people also cling to their homes and possessions and want to keep their dwelling space as large as what they use now. It is notable that even after they become older and frail, they want sufficient space to display possessions as a mean of self-identity expression. Attachment to possessions and decoration can give older people significant meaning of identity, and it is the reason why architects or interior designers have to meet older people's needs. It needs consideration that residents are allowed to bring their old furniture and precious possessions when they move in elderly housing unit in order to minimize environmental shock, as well as feeling at home. This subject could suggest a clue to designers or architects who have to meet residents' needs in space design of elderly housing or facilities in the future. Psychological well-being of older people can be met by making them feel at home wherever they live. They need space where they can express their own identity and personality even in case when they have to live in a limited small space like elderly housing unit or nursing home.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.36-48
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• 2010

The objectives of this study are to research and analyze the positioning of Mt. Back Hwa(白華山) and the characteristics of its neighboring cultural scenery based on the Two Seated Buddah Temple, a small Buddhist temple of Taeul in Taean and to view both landscape geographic codes and religious attractions over Mt. Back Hwa by discussing its expression and meaning for the scenery scattered or nested over this districts. The panoramic view of west shows the character of Mt. Back Hwa as a magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy which is viewed as a view point field no less than its location as a landscape target and its singularity as a rocky mountain. The ancient castle, signal beacon post and the small Buddhist temple of Taeul to be read importantly in the old map and SinjeungDongkukyeojiseungram(新增東國輿地勝覽) form the core of place identity, and a number of carve(engrave) letters such as Eopungdae(御風臺), Youngsadae(永思臺), etc. show the prospect of this mountain and monumentality derived from place characteristics. In addition removing of Taeiljeon, a portrait scroll of Dangun, national ancestor makes possible to guess the national status hold by Mt. Back Hwa in advance and to know that it has symbiotic relationship with indigenous religion and shares with the universal locality which have been continued for a long time through a portrait scroll of Dangun enshrined in Samsunggak. More than anything else, however the Rock-carved Buddha Triad in Taean, Giant Buddha of Baekjae era enshrined in the small Buddhist temple of Taeul is not only why Mt. Back Hwa, magnanimity of Buddhist Goddess of Mercy exists but also a signifier. In spite of such a placity, the union ideas of confucianism, buddhism and doctrinism of buddhism prevailed in the Late Joseon Dynasty allows the cultural phenomenon of taoism to be read in the same weight through Ilsogae(一笑溪) and Gammodae(感慕臺) which are mountain stream and pond area respectively centered in the carve letter, 'Taeeuldongcheon(太乙洞天)' constructed in front of the small Buddhist temple of Taeul, the Baduk board type of rock carvings engraved over them and a number of traces of carve letters made by confucian scholars since the Middle of Joseon Dynasty. The reason such various cultural sceneries are mixed in Mt. Back Hwa is in the results of inheritance of religious places and fusion of sprit of the times, and the various type of cultural scenery elements scattered in Mt. Back Hwa are deemed as unique geographic code to understand the multi-layered placity and the characteristics of scenery of Mt. Back Hwa in Taean.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.3
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• pp.1-13
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• 2010

This research is the semantic study on the nature cognition and lyricism of pavilion builders as reflected in the pavilion tablets in the Damyang poetry culture area built during 16th century. The names of pavilions, pavilion writings and "poetry with given theme" were studied by actual site visits. The view on the nature and aesthetic awareness of the pavilion builders at the time were explored together with surrounding landscapes. Following conclusions were drawn. 1. Pavilion names borrowed phrases from the famous historical events left by the sages. Or, they took the compliment on the beautiful nature surrounding orthe academic achievement of pavilion owners as the theme, then elaborated them with thinking based on Sung Confucianism. 2. The writings of pavilion literature were the idealistic view on the nature. They think the nature and human as "object and ego are one, object and ego communicate each other, object and ego become one". 3. The nature in the 16th century was the "principle of birth-death-grow-wither" for the intellectuals. They thought that the nature is the ultimate place to return for the realization of life with self-respect. 4. The introduction of fairy land among literary activities in the pavilion was the symbolic means healing the frustrated ego. It was confirmed that they temporarily entrusted their depressed feelings by borrowing the fairy land, far from the reality. The pavilion was the space to escape from the reality and soothe the anger and discord in the reality. 5. The pavilion literature in the Damyang poetry culture area during 16th century sang their pleasure of enjoying the beautiful scenery in the rural area using their social status. The literary works also contained their agony due to the frustration of difficulty in the realization of ideal. When the intellectuals, who already mastered literature, history and philosophy, came down to rural area, built pavilions at the location with beautiful scenery, and spent time while composing poetry, it was an escape from the burden that they should take the social responsibility as the model intellectuals of the society. The pavilions in Damyang poetry-culture area during 16th century were the idealized conceptual world and the space of awareness reflecting the philosophy and thinking of the time.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.28 no.4
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• pp.127-143
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• 2010

This research was made on the interpretation of cultural landscape elements which is shown at nature management around Gyeongcheondae managed by Udam Chae Deug-gi, scholar in Joseon dynasty. Naming the nature management and natural features not only reflected on the formation toward the view of nature by the contemporary intellectuals, but influenced on the fashion of garden culture. Udam Chae Deug-gi dwelt in the riverside of Sangju, Kyungbuk as the characteristics of hermitage and managed landscape and had a willing to live a life free from worldly cares. The Gyeongchundae 28 landscapes, which was managed by himself, represent that natural features are named on the basis of neo-confucian principle and loyalty and he imposed symbolic meaning on landscape management by practically translating his aesthetic consciousness to reality; the name of detailed landscape is largely 'loyalty to Ming dynasty and to king's order and loyalty', 'Taoism' and 'Management will of landscape' by the life of metaphor and enjoyment, and symbolizes 'Searching for learning'. In addition, by selecting 10 out of 28 landscapes around Gyeongcheondae, lyrically describing the landscape by representing the change of time, season and the climate which is the scenic term of Great 8 Sosang views in fashion at that time focusing on the place he strolled or enjoyed watching himself; it can be seen that such moves are related with the landscape management in fashion in order to understand microcosmic providence with the change of natural environment. Therefore, Udam Chaedeug-gi is regarded as the neo-confucian view of nature for which any value scholars in Joseon dynasty have to own - 'loyalty' and 'integrity' - he usually emphasized himself to name the natural features and overcome the darkness of society comparing the landscape management around Gyeongchundae he lived a life free from worldly cares to the situation of Joseon dynasty when a transition times between Ming and Chung comes from China.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.36 no.3
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• pp.16-25
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• 2018

Initially from the Taoist scriptures, 'Dongcheon' is a term that can be regarded as a symbolic place in the real world for the enlightened ones who received relief and peace by restoring the human nature taught in the Confucian school. The long for an ideal world apart from the reality embodied as the labeling some places 'Dongcheon,' and the term was used to refer to a scenery where the ideal fairyland is reproduced. Besides, 'Dongcheon' was a term often used by Confucian scholars for various purposes including the attachment to the nearby landscapes, expressing homogeneity and superiority through placeness and the beautification of settlement spaces. This paper is the result of a field study on 'Dongcheon' in the Gyeongsang-Do. The research was conducted from March to August 2018, and we carried out firsthand location surveys on Dongcheons, of which some were lost, others were fairly preserved, and still others could not be located as only their existences were passed down orally. According to the field survey, there were total 111 inscriptions or engravings on the plates in Gyeongsang-Do that include the term 'Dongcheon.' There were 79 'Dongcheon' inscriptions confirmed in the Gyeongsangbuk-Do region: twenty in Yeongju-City, sixteen in Bonghwa-Gun, eleven in Andong-City and seven in Yeongyang-Gun and Ulgin-Gun. Among them, two were in the form of a wooden sign, and six were erected as rock signposts. Fourteen stops reported in the literature were lost or unidentified. Also, among the sixteen signs in Bonghwa-Gun, nine were cursive engravings. Meanwhile, there were 26 Dongcheon inscriptions in the Gyeongsangnam-Do region. Hamyang-Gun and Sancheong-Gun anf Hadong-Gun each housed three inscriptions, and seven places were in the form of rock signposts. 'Hwagaedongcheon' and 'Geumsandongcheon' could not be identified in inscriptions although they appear in Jibong Yuseol and Taengniji with stories of Choi Chiwon. The significance of this study is as a reference for future researches in traditional scenery, epigraphs, or as primary data that helps cultural exploration in the region.

• Journal of the Korean Institute of Traditional Landscape Architecture
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• v.38 no.2
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• pp.42-59
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• 2020

The purpose of this study is to examine the actual cases of crane breeding at private homes in the Joseon Dynasty period, thereby identifying the universal meaning and characteristics of this act reflected in these cases. This study is likely to help understand the true nature of garden culture during the period. The study' temporal and spatial scope was limited to the Joseon Dynasty and private homes. As references for the study, translated versions of classical literature were selected from the Database of Korean Classics(http://db.itkc.or.kr). To complement for the data, related researchers' translated materials were also used in part. The study's results are summed up as follows: First, Individuals from various social classes including royal families, noblemen, noble families in countryside, and commoners kept cranes at their homes. These crane breeders included those who left a significant mark in the Joseon Dynasty politically and academically as well as 'cheosa(處士)' that refers to scholars living in seclusion without entering the government throughout their lifetime. Second, Crane breeders were spread all over the country. Notably, various cases of crane breeding were found within the Hanyang Wall and its vicinity. Third, The act of crane breeding was highly associated with blood ties and academic lineages such as friendships and teacher-student relations. In this regard, crane breeding was not just a simple taste or appreciation for the arts, but rather reflective of a person's life attitude and orientation. Forth, The consciousness of Confucian origins based on an ancient story of Limpo (林逋) appears to have a large impact on the act of crane breeding. In addition, some cases exhibited the reflection of Taoistic tastes. Fifth, Some individuals tamed cranes for a living. This proves the presence of steady demand for cranes in this period. The present study's limitation is its reliance on translated materials, which hindered research into various cases. Therefore, the future discovery of additional data and the accumulation of their translations will enable the investigation of a wealth of cases.

• Archives of design research
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• v.19 no.2 s.64
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• pp.241-250
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• 2006

Hangeul as the Korean unique characters were invented according to some character-making principles and based on scholars' exhaustive researches. While most of the characters in the world evolved naturally, Hangeul was invented based on a precise linguistic analysis of the time, and therefore, it is most scientific and reasonable among various characters throughout the world. Nevertheless, Hangeul typeface designs do not seem to inherit the ideology of scientific and reasonable Hangeul correctly. For the square forms have been used intact due to the influences from the Chinese characters which prevailed during the time. If a single set of square characters should be designed, as much as 11,172 fonts should be designed, which suggests that advantages of Mangeul may not well be used fully; Hangeul was invented to visualize every sound with the combinations of 28 vowels and consonants. Problems of such square fonts began to be identified since 1900's when typewriters were introduced first from the West. Since a typewriter is designed with 28 characters laid out on its keyboard by using such combinations, the letters may be easily combined on it. The so-called the flexibility square-format typeface was born as such. Specially, the three-pairs fonts of these can be combined up to 67 letters including vowels and consonants. The three-pairs fonts system can help to solve the problems arising form the conventional square fonts and inherit the original ideology of Hangeul invention. This study aims to review the history of the three-pairs fonts designs facilitated by mechanic encoding of Hangeul and thereupon, suggest some desirable directions for future Hangeul fonts. Since the flexibility square-format typeface is expected to evolve more and more owing to development of the digital technology, they would serve our age of information in terms of both functions and convenience. Just as Hunminjongum tried to be literally independent from the Chinese characters, so the flexibility square-format typeface designs would serve to recover identity of our Hangeul font designs.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.20
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• pp.251-307
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• 2010

Manbojeonseo, a kind of an encyclopedia published several times in Ming Ch'ing dynasty, includes useful information for scholars and common people on daily lives. In 1720, Manbojeonseo was first introduced to Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty by the diplomatic corps visiting Ch'ing dynasty, and widely circulated in the society as an useful information magazine or an individual collection of reference book. Since Manbojeonseo includes the systematically-organized contents of Geumdoron(琴道論, a theory of a heptachord), it could provide a useful reference when the Geumdoron was inserted as the contents of old scores. For an instance, Obultan(五不彈), Tangeumsuji(彈琴須知), and Taeeumgibeop(太音紀法) recorded in Hangeumsinbo(韓琴新譜, 1724) clearly acknowledge Manbojeonseo as their common source. In this paper, the order and the contents of Geumdorons from four different Manbojeonseo are compared. At first, the comparative analysis of Manbojeonseo (1610) edited by Seo Giryong(徐企龍) and Manbojeonseo(1612) edited by Yu Jamyeong(劉子明) are carried out focusing on the contents of the Geumdoron, where both Manbojeonseos contain considerable amount of Geumdoron sections. The tables of the contents in both Manbojeonseos are composed of upper and lower levels classified into 4 large divisions for each. While the contents of the upper level is presumably older and focused more on the theory of the cardinal virtues, the contents of the lower one is relatively new and centered more on the skills for the real play of a heptachord(琴), the lyrics and the musical scores composed of Gamjabo(減字譜). Therefore, it could be said that the upper level is metaphysical while the lower level is physical. One of the differences between those two Manbojeonseos lies in the order and the terminology found in the large divisions. In the case of Manbojeonseo(1612), some terms in the large division represent and theoretically group the detailed descriptions in the small divisions such as 5 demands or 7 taboos in the play of the heptachord. In addition, a few lower divisions were newly added or revised in order to enhance the completeness of Geumhangmun(琴學門, study of a heptachord), and the detailed classification was revised and polished to improve the reasonableness. In Manbojeonseo(1614) composed by the same editor as Manbojeonseo(1610), the contents of the Geumdoron become much briefer than those of Manbojeonseo(1610) and Manbojeonseo(1612). In the case of Manbojeonseo(1739), a new type of the Geumdoron is included called Oeumjeongjobo(五音正操譜) while carrying a similarly brief section of the Geumdoron. Finally, the Geumdorons in Manbojeonseo and several old scores are comparatively analyzed. While the Geumbo(琴譜) owned by Gugagwon(國樂院) and Hangeumsinbo contains relatively old Geumdoron, Yuyeji(遊藝志) and Bangsanhanssigeumbo(芳山韓氏琴譜) adopt practical and relatively new Geumdorons different from the former old scores and similar to Manbojeonseo(1739) considering the order and the contents. In particular, the contents of the Geumdoron in Geumheonakbo(琴軒樂譜) is notably unique containing much of the upper and the lower levels of Manbojeonseo(1612), therefore thought to have actively adopted the contents of new Geumdorons.

• (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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• no.36
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• pp.505-530
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• 2018

The purpose of this study is to examine the meaning of learning methods for education to transmit the items designated as intangible cultural heritages focusing on Seoul-gut. Recently, as the Act on the Preservation and Promotion of Intangible Cultural Heritages was promulgated, 'the archetype' instead of 'the prototype' has become highlighted as a crucial axis for transmission. Although there are some controversies over the definition of the archetype among scholars, it is now possible for transmitters to make use of transformations rather freely being freed from strict orientation to the prototype to follow some fixed frame. Examining learning methods used in education to transmit mudang-gut, one of the items designated as intangible cultural heritages, however, this author has found that the prototype is still emphasized or in the center of learning instead. Presenting learning methods employed for Hwanghaedopyeongsansonoreum-gut of a national intangible cultural heritage, Namijanggunsadang-gut of Seoul Special City's intangible cultural heritage, and Bonghwasandodang-gut as examples, this researcher intends to reveal the reality. In the recent situation that education centering around academies is being widely spread to transmit mudang-gut, setting forth the designation of some of the items as intangible cultural heritages, they are publishing articles on newspaper as an advertisement to encourage learning about mudang-gut. Responding to the advertisement, there are more and more shamans intending to learn mudang-gut coming to the society for preserving items designated as intangible cultural heritages. They can, of course, perform mudang-gut on their own but come to learn it as there is no fixed or definite system for it. Even though the concept of the archetype was introduced, as now it is possible to learn the fixed frame through learning about the prototype regarding the item of mudang-gut as an intangible cultural heritage, those involved in shamanism are coming to it more and more. As transmitting the prototype rather deteriorated the liveliness of gut, those involved in shamanism are coming to it to learn about gut thinking that it is where they can learn the basic frame and also acquire more detailed knowledge about shamanism. Therefore, it is needed for the item of mudang-gut designated as an intangible cultural heritage to accept the aspects of change and develop new methods of education to transmit intangible cultural heritages.