• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.30
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• pp.89-119
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• 2005

The purpose of this essay is to converge the theory of communicative action Into the new paradigm of 'public relations democracy.' The notions of communicative action rationality, the public sphere, and deliberative democracy led new public relations paradigm approaches including meaning sharing, media access enlargement, and theoretical ramifications for the powerless. As Habermas prospected the power of comprehensive rationality to solve post-capitalist problems, the paradigm of public relations democracy visions the new era of public relations equipped with rhetorical and critical approaches. The new paradigm tries to overcome functional fallacy and embraces the concept of public interest. The paradigm of public relations democracy aims at integrating all three levels of public relations activities such as individual, organizational, and social levels, and pursues to enlarge the public sphere through increasing communicative actions and resolving social conflicts. Habermas's critical theory exhibits an opportunity for public relations theory building.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.10 no.3
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• pp.149-177
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• 2022

This study analyzes how inoculation affects the spiral of silence. Inoculation could be a beneficial tool in a democracy as it elevates citizens' resistance to attitude change "forced" by "the winning opinion" in the spiral of silence on a certain controversial issue. The study examines essential variables combined with the theories of inoculation and spiral of silence, such as resistance to counter-attitudinal attack, fear of isolation, and issue-involvement. A two-wave field experiment was employed to assess the formation of public opinion on Taiwan's political future with the People's Republic of China. Results support that inoculation enhanced people's resistance to attitude change and decreased their fear of isolation. Individuals who are more issue-involved were also shown to be more affected by inoculation, which allowed them to resist attitude change. The decreased fear of isolation, coupled with more issue involvement, might elevate people's willingness to speak out in public. More political discussions regarding an important public issue might be expected in a democracy.

• Asian Journal for Public Opinion Research
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• v.9 no.1
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• pp.3-24
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• 2021

Through an empirical comparative analysis, we found that people in mainland China and Taiwan demonstrate strong similarities in their support for democracy, based on democratic suitability, efficiency, preference, and priority. There are also differences in beliefs about democratic values. Compared to people in mainland China, the Taiwanese have a deeper and more widely shared belief in the principles of participation and pluralism, while the differences between their beliefs in the principles of equality, freedom, and checks and balances are narrow. Furthermore, people in mainland China and Taiwan have a strong similarity in their understanding of democracy, that is, they all present a mixed democratic understanding based on substantive bias. Overall, although the differences between mainland China and Taiwan's democratic practices are reflected in the level of value identification from the perspective of democratic support and democratic understanding, the popular democratic political culture in mainland China and Taiwan still has a relatively broad consensus. Thus, the integration and development of cross-strait relations not only has an increasingly profound social and economic foundation but also considerable consensus and mass support on the political and cultural level.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.82
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• pp.7-28
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• 2017

This paper argues that media criticism should be reestablished as an academic movement leading to the maintenance and maturity of democracy. Korean democracy has been withdrawn both procedurally and practically. However, the Korean media do not properly monitor democratic retreat. The purpose of journalism is to provide people with the information they need to be free and self-governed, and the public sphere is a condition of deliberative democracy. This paper proposed three practical strategies for media criticism. First, it is the overcoming of the conservative-progressive frame. It is important to look at what kind of media is responsible for democratic retreat. Second, media criticism should be expanded on workers and capitalists. Korea's labor relations are as distorted as the public sphere. Korean journalism did not set agenda for labor relations. Most reports were 'capitalist bias'. Finally, Media criticism should be the empowerment of the people who are the sovereigns of the media.

• International Journal of Computer Science & Network Security
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• v.21 no.12
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• pp.293-299
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• 2021

This study is caused by the urgent need to constantly fight against such a shameful phenomenon of society as corruption, the flourishing of which cannot be overlooked. This phenomenon has many negative manifestations and consequences, undermines the national security of the state, slows down the development of democracy, worsens the state of all spheres of life (economic, political, administrative, etc.), worsens relations with foreign partners, forms tolerance for corruption in the public consciousness. Today, the process of fighting corruption is extremely important for our country, because it depends on the independence, democracy, sustainability of Ukraine. However, there is a complex and ambiguous situation regarding this process, as there is a clear coordination of state policy in the fight against corruption, insufficient and narrow understanding of ways to combat it. There is a lack of efforts by the authorities to overcome corruption challenges and use ineffective means of combating them. Instead, corruption causes great material and moral damage to states as a whole and many of its citizens.

• The Korean Journal of Archival Studies
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• no.48
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• pp.5-44
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• 2016

This paper examines the characteristics of the May 18th (5 18) Gwangju Democratization Movement archives to suggest a collection development strategy for the May 18th archives collection network. Individual public and civilian archives collecting the May 18th archives separately should form a cooperative collection network based on documentation strategy. Most of all, May 18th archives are human rights records and should be understood and collected as human rights records. International principles support the collection of the May 18th archives as human rights archives by prohibiting destruction of relevant temporary records and encouraging the victims' right to access to their records. As the May 18th archives were mostly produced by many multiple agencies, this multi-provenance and diversity of the records necessitate the building of an archives portal for the records registries and online search. To document the undocumented past and the victims, the collection network should focus on oral history project as a major part of its collection development strategy. Finally, the May 18th archives collection network should build a cooperative relations with the unwilling public agencies which have the archives holdings. Therefore, the collection development strategy should include advocacy and awareness activities for promoting cooperation from these public agencies and public archives, and the people in general.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.81
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• pp.122-152
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• 2017

The media movement is a movement to separate from the political power and to dismantle the media power and to seek the control of citizens' media. Political power is the biggest factor that violates the fairness and independence of the media in the public domain. On the other hand, the factor that interferes with the healthy and responsible media of the press in the private sector is the media power originating from the owner. Citizens 'media campaign emphasizes citizens' mobility as a subject that monitors the political power and media power that have the sovereignty of the media belonging to the citizen and may infringe on this sovereignty.In the Lee Myung Bak - Park Geun Hye regime, the civil press movement was a period of resistance and struggle. Citizen media campaigns have completely collapsed with governance. As a result, the intellectuals who have expertise in the media have lost their place in the discussion and presentation of the policy alternatives in which the policy production is centered. The influence of citizen media organizations, which are centered on activists rather than citizen's direct action, is limited. In order to strengthen the power of the media reform, it is necessary to reconstruct social forces such as civil society, media unions, media organizations and political forces. We should also look for various ways in which citizens can participate actively in the agenda and activities of the movement. In addition, it is necessary to expand the movement of the media.

• Korean journal of communication and information
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• v.44
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• pp.144-179
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• 2008

This paper explores the formation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media used in promoting NATO's military interventions in the post-Cold War era. The case study of global responsibility discourses surrounding the Bosnian War (1992-1995) and the Kosovo Conflict (1998-1999) offers an account of the roles of the elite US media in foreign policy. The construction and articulation of global responsibility discourses in the elite US media were closely related to the US government's policy and were formed within the framework of US national interest and domestic responsibility. The cases of military intervention in the post-Cold War period imply that there were more fundamental structure and patterns by which the elite US media approached the 'humanitarian crises': 'benevolent domination' and the subsequent construction of a 'melodramatic national identity' in the war narratives. Presuming that the elite US media's discourse is a primary site for the public for experiencing and understanding distant suffering, this paper concludes that global responsibility discourses within the media may have dangerous ramifications for global democracy because the discourse of responsibility can potentially absorb the creative, progressive energies created by the public's awareness of responsibility on a global scale in order to reinforce the relations of domination.

• Journal of Digital Convergence
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• v.12 no.5
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• pp.13-24
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• 2014

This study is the first model to apply the concept of media engagement to a political campaign by which the voters' mind toward the supporting political candidates, are read. Thus it provides the theoretical and practical implications to the political campaign, and eventually contributes to the development of democracy. For these objectives, the total of 729 people who have the right to vote were telephone surveyed using the peoplemeter, CATI program in the 18th Presidential Election (12 areas including Seoul) of Dec. 19th 2012, and Re and By-election of April 24th 2013. Research question is to examine how the 5 attributes of the media engagement (interest, immersion, relevance, satisfaction and participation), play a role as the moderating variables in cross-correlation, socio-economic status and media properties. The result shows that of the five properties of media engagement, the relevant factor is the important parameter of mediating variable to the causal relationship. The media usage (TV, SNS, print media), socio-economic status (gender, age, income, marriage and area), involvement and the Presidential Election, and Re and By-election are also effective in the five attributes of media engagement. These results suggest that the a study model can measure the campaign effectiveness. This study will contribute significantly to the development of politics, election, media, advertising, and public relations area as well as to promote interdisciplinary research.