• 핵의학기술
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• 제13권1호
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• pp.67-72
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• 2009

ISCD (International Society for Clinical Densitometry)에서는 골밀도 검사자의 전문성을 키우고자 검사자의 재현성 시험을 필수 자격조건으로 요구하고 있다. 하지만, 재현성 시험의 대상자 선정에 대한 권고안이 불확실하여 골밀도 상태에 따른 그룹별 재현성을 시험해 골밀도 차이가 재현성 시험에 영향을 주는지 알아보았다. 2008년 1월부터 6월까지 본원에 내원한 300명(57.8세$\pm$9.02)의 여성 골밀도 수검자를 두 그룹으로 나누어 4명의 검사자가 재현성을 시험하였다. A그룹의 120명은 4명(a,b,c,d)의 검사자가 골밀도 상태와 관계없이 동일한 방법으로 요추부와 대퇴부를 30명씩 두 번 측정하였고 나머지는 B그룹으로 두 명의 검사자가 골밀도 상태에 따라정상, 골다공증, 골감소증 군으로 분류하여 A그룹과 동일한 방법으로 재현성을 시험하였다. 사용된 장비는 GE Lunar Prodigy Advance (Vr11.4)이고, 수집된 자료는 ISCD에서 배포된 Precision Tool을 이용하여 각각의 변동계수율(%CV)를 알아보았으며 SPSS 14.0 통계 프로그램을 사용하여 분석하였다. A그룹의 %CV는 a, b,c, d 검사자가 각각 요추부 1.08, 0.83, 0.72, 1.37%, 대퇴부 1.08, 1.04, 1.4, 0.58 %로 산출되었고 동일 골밀도 상태의 요추와 대퇴부를 비교하면 재현성이 일관되지 않았다. B그룹에서는 a의 요추부 정상군 %CV가 1.26으로 가장 높았고 대퇴부는 0.94로 골다공증 군이 가장 높게 측정됐다. b는 요추부의 정상군 %CV가 0.97로 가장높았고 대퇴부는 1.04로 골다공증 군에서 가장 높았다. 요추부의 정상군과 대퇴부의 골다공증 군은 %CV가 가장 높게 나타나 골밀도 상태에 따른 재현성이 일관되지 않았다. 본원의 골밀도검사 재현성 시험은 골다공증 상태의 수검자를 제외한다. 그 이유는 ISCD의 대상자 선정이 불확실하고, 골밀도가 낮을수록 장비의 골 인식도가 떨어져 재현성 시험을 시행할 경우, 검사자의 수작업을 요하므로 좋은 재현성을 얻기 힘들기 때문이다. 하지만 재현성 결과값은 LSC (Least Significant Change)에 영향을 주기 때문에 장비, 검사자, 수검자에서 발생할 수 있는 모든 오차를 반영해야 한다. 실험결과는 골밀도 상태가 재현성에 영향을 주지 않았으며, 따라서 정상, 골감소, 골다공증의 구별 없이 대상자의 선정 폭을 넓혀 대상에 구애 받지 않고 보다 정확한 의미의 재현성 시험을 해야 할 것으로 판단된다.

• 복식
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• 제1권
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• pp.119-129
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• 1977

It is significant for developing the future for us to know our present age. In order to preserve our Korean costume as a fola clothes retaining our distinguished independent characterisitics and to help design the tomorrow of our Korean costume playing a role as a racial to develop the world clothing culture, a survey was conducted to investigate modern people's conscious-ness and wearing practumes of Korean costume by questionaire and interviewing methods. The results of the survey were analyzed as follows: (1) At present, Korean costumes were purchased as customtailored(64.0%) and as ready-made(17.8%) and most of them were not made at individual homes. The laundry and ironing of them were carried out at laundry shops(68.8%). Considering our present economic, social and cultural aspects, sowing, laundryand ironing will not be carried out at homes again in the future and ready made costumes seen to be produced in a large scale in the future. Garment makers and laundry shop operators should be trained how to make our Korean costumes retain our traditional beauty in the course of their production and laundry and the makers of ready-made costumes must make research how to efficiently produce ideal ready-made costumes by adopting the synchro system in their wrk odisivion. (2) The age group wearing Korean costumes most frequently was the aged people over 60 (their wearing rate; 45%-50%) and the group wearing them most frequently next io the aged people over 60, was housewives(their wearing rate; 15%-20%). Excludign aged people and housewives, other respondentsdid not wear Korean costumes very frequently. Men's wearing rate was lower their wearing rate was the younger their ages were and the less their monthly incomes were. Korean costumes were used for holiday and festival(60%), wedding and funeral ceremonies (52%), visiting and working(22%), casual wear(12.8%) and home wear(9.2%). The use of Korean costumes as casual and home wears, was lower than the use for holday, festival, visiting and working, Under our present circumstances in which our Korean people use both Western style clothes and Korean costumer, our Korean costume has lostits position as a basic and necessary requiement in Korean people's daily life and become a ceremonical and fancy costume. It is natural that the times and life change everything in our daily life. Our costume has to be made as good ceremonial and fancy clothes satisfying modern sensibility according to its new role. In order for us to get close with our clothes, a keen study must be carried out to cleat the color, material, style, function and harmony of the Korean costume matching the of the times. (3) The 47.8% of the respondents answered that they were proud of our Korean costume as our folk clothes, 47.6% replied that thought them just common and 1.1% responded that they were ashamed of it. Most of them were affirmative in feeling pride with our Korean costume. (4) Considering the functional aspect of Korean costumes, their strong points were symetric beauty, rhythmical beauty, unity feeling, harmonical beauty and detailed decorations. Their common shortcomings were lack of individuality and inadequateness for active life. The shortcomings of woman costumes were suppressing breast, making resperation difficult and in adequnteness in summer time. The main reason not to wear our Korean costumes, was due to the fact that they are incomvenient for active life. As a measure to eliminate such shortcomings, 1) the suspension system of skirt to remove the suppression of breast should be generally adopted. 2) they should be simplified in their structure to make them convenient for active life and adepuate in wearing them in hot weather in an extent to which the traditional beauty of the costume may not be lostand 3) a new technique must be explored for showing individuality by wearing method and new arrangment of colors and decorations. (5) The reasons desiring to wear Korean costumes were classifide as follows: A. Korean costumes are our traditional clothes(43.4%). B. Korean costumes are noble and beautiful(26.8%). C. They are accustomed to wear Korean costumes by habit(19.5%). D. Korean costumes are necessary for attending ceremoneis(9.5%). E. Miscellaneous reasons(0.8%). Classifying these reasons into age groups, the high age group over 40 wore them because they were easy to wear by habit and the low age group of 10-30 never thought that they were east to wear by habit. Considering that even those who were accustomed to wear Korean costumes showed a low wearing rate and that the young generation were accustomed to wear Western style clothes rather than Korean costumes, the wearing rate of Korean costumes will be reduced in the future if such trend continues. It is urgent for us to make our best efforts in order to enhance the interest of young generation in Korean costumes and not to make them lose the strong points of Korean costume in the future. (6) Conicering the plan of the respondents on what kind of clothes they were going to wear in the future, among the age group over 50, those who wanted to wear only Korean costumes were 24.8%(men) and 35.1%(women), those who wanted to wear 49.7%(men) and 47.4(women), those who wanted to wear chiefly Western style clothes were 20.7% (men) and 14.4%(women) and those who wanted to wear only Western style clothes, were 2.4% (men) and 2.1%(women). This shows that the general tendency to wear only or chiefly Korean costumes is more prevalent than that to wear only Western style. Among the age group under 50, the tendency to wear Western style clothes was conspicuous and most of the respondent answered that they would wear chiefly Western style clothes and Korean costumes occasionally. Only 5.4% of the respondent answered that they would wear only Western style clothes and this shows that meny respondents still wonted to wear Korean costumes. Those who wanted their descendants to wear what they desire, were 50.1%(men) and 68.8% (women) and those who wanted their descendants to wear Koran costumes occasionally, were 85.8%(men) and 86.3%(women). This shows that most of respondents wanted their descendants to wear Korean costumes. In order to realize, it is necessory for us to make ourdescendants recognize the preciousness of our traditional culture and modify our Korean costumes according to their taste so that they may like wearing them.

• Pediatric Gastroenterology, Hepatology & Nutrition
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• 제2권1호
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• pp.65-73
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• 1999

목 적 : 신생아의 식도 특히 하부 식도 괄약근의 발달은 해부학적으로 미숙하기 때문에 하부 식도 괄약근의 수축력이 낮아 신생아에서 역류와 구토가 잘 일어난다. 식도는 15개월이 되어야 성숙하게 되므로 그 동안 역류와 구토의 빈도가 적도록 돌보아 주어야 한다. 역류와 구토의 빈도를 줄이는 방안으로 섭취한 음식이 위에 머므르는 시간을 단축시킬수 있다면 도움이 될 것이므로 수유의 종류와 수유 후 자세에 따른 위 배출 시간의 영향을 알아 보기 위하여 본 연구를 시행하였다. 방 법: 신생아를 대상으로 초음파검사를 이용하여 수유 종류(모유 및 분유)에 따른 위 배출 시간을 비교하고, 수유 후 자세(앙와위 및 복와위)에 따른 위 배출 시간을 비교해 보았다. 수유 종류에 따른 비교에서 대상아는 모유수유아 15명, 분유수 유아 15명이었고 수유 후 자세는 앙와위를 취하였다. 수유 후 자세에 따른 비교에서는 분유 수유를 하였고 앙와위 15명, 복와위 18명을 대상으로 하였다. 위 전정부 면적은 상장간막 동맥과 대동맥이 지나는 위치에서 5 MHz 컨벡스 초음파 탐촉자로 종단스캔을 하여 초음파 기계에 내장된 컴퓨터에 의해 구하였다. 위 배출 시간은 금식 후 4시간에 위 전정부 면적의 기본 크기를 측정하고 수유 후 즉시, 그 후 30분마다 측정하여 기본 크기로 돌아올 때까지 추적하여 측정하였고 기본 크기로 두번 계속 측정되면 측정을 마쳤으며 처음 기본크기로 돌아온 시간을 위 배출 시간으로 정하였다. 결 과: 1) 수유 종류에 따른 위 전정부 면적 및 위 배출 시간의 비교; (1) 모유수유아를 앙와위로 누인 경우의 위 전정부 면적은 금식 시 $0.59{\pm}0.13\;cm^2$이었고 수유 후 즉시는 $0.70{\pm}0.17\;cm^2$이었으며 수유 후 30분에 최고치에 달하여 $0.82{\pm}0.19\;cm^2$이었고 금식 시 면적의 1.39배였다. 위 배출 시간은 $76.0{\pm}20.02$분이었다. (2) 분유수유아를 앙와위로 누인 경우의 위 전정부 면적은 금식 시 $0.52{\pm}0.08\;cm^2$이었고 수유 후 즉시는 $0.68{\pm}0.10\;cm^2$이었으며 수유 후 30분에 최고치에 달하여 $0.85{\pm}0.14\;cm^2$이었고 금식 시 면적의 1.63배였다. 위 배출 시간은 $96.0{\pm}20.28$분이었다. 3) 모유수유아 및 분유수유아를 앙와위로 누인 경우의 위 전정부 면적은 금식 시와 수유 후 경과시간에 따른 차이가 없었으나 위 배출 시간은 모유수유아가 분유수유아 보다 유의하게 빨랐다(p<0.05). 2) 수유 후 자세에 따른 위 전정부 면적 및 위배출 시간의 비교; (1) 분유수유아를 앙와위로 누인 경우의 위 전정부 면적은 금식 시 $0.52{\pm}0.08\;cm^2$이었고 수유 후 즉시는 $0.68{\pm}0.10\;cm^2$이었으며 수유 후 30분에 최고치에 달하여 $0.85{\pm}0.14\;cm^2$이었고 금식 시 면적의 1.63배였다. 위 배출 시간은 $96.0{\pm}20.28$분이었다. (2) 분유수유아를 복와위로 누인 경우의 위 전정부 면적은 금식 시 $0.54{\pm}0.06\;cm^2$이었고 수유 후 즉시는 $0.63{\pm}0.13\;cm^2$이었으며 수유 후 30분에 최고치에 달하여 $0.81{\pm}0.12\;cm^2$이었고 금식 시의 1.50배였다. 위 배출 시간은 $85.0{\pm}22.43$분이었다. (3) 분유수유아에서 수유 후 자세를 앙와위 및 복와위로 취한 경우 위전정부 면적은 금식 시와 수유 후 경과에 따른 차이는 없었으나 수유 후 30분에는 앙와위로 누인 경우 $0.85{\pm}0.14\;cm^2$이었고 복와위로 누인 경우 $0.81{\pm}0.12\;cm^2$로 앙와위인 경우가 컸다(p<0.01). 위 배출 시간은 두 군간에 유의한 차이가 없었다(p>0.05). 결 론: 식도의 기능이 미숙하고 위의 연동운동이 덜 발달된 미숙아나 신생아는 역류와 구토의 빈도를 줄이고 경구 영양을 잘 진행해 나가기 위해서 위 배출 시간이 빠른 모유수유를 적극 권장하는 것이 좋을 것으로 사료된다. 수유 후 자세는 위 배출 시간에 영향을 주지는 않으나 역류나 구토가 일어났을 때 흡인의 가능성이 적어 안전하고, 편안히 잠잘 수 있으며 전통적으로 선호하는 자세를 취하면 적절할 것으로 사료된다.

• 지능정보연구
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• 제26권3호
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• pp.171-191
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• 2020

본 연구는 현대 사회에서 가장 가치 있는 문화자산이자 한류의 흐름에서 특히 중요한 위치를 차지하는 디지털 음악에 초점을 두었다. 디지털 음악에 대하여 공신력 있는 음원 차트인 '가온 차트'에 진입한 음원들의 73주간 순위 변화를 수집하였으며 유사한 특징을 가지는 패턴들로 분류하였다. 이후 각 순위 변화 패턴으로부터 주목할 만한 특징에 대한 설명적 분석을 수행하였다. 구체적으로 음원에 대한 신뢰도 이슈가 발생하기 이전 기간의 국내 발매된 디지털 음원들로 한정하여 시점을 일치시킨 후 시계열 군집분석을 통해 패턴을 도출하고자 하였다. 데이터 수집과 전처리를 통하여 742건의 중복되지 않는 음원들을 확보하였고, 시계열 순위 변화에 대한 시계열 군집분석 결과 16개의 패턴들이 도출되었다. 이후 도출된 패턴들을 기반으로 '스테디셀러'와 '원 히트 원더'의 두 가지 유형의 대표적인 패턴을 확인하였다. 나아가 두 패턴에 대하여 차트 내에서 음원의 생존 기간과 음원 순위에 관점에서 다섯 가지의 세분화된 패턴으로 분류하였다. 각 패턴들이 가지는 중요한 특징들은 다음과 같다. 원 히트 원더형 패턴에서 아티스트의 슈퍼스타 효과와 편승효과가 강하게 나타났으며, 소비자들의 디지털 음원 선택에 강한 영향을 미친다는 것을 확인하였다. 나아가 스테디셀러형 패턴을 통해서 매우 오랜시간 소비자들의 선택을 받는 음원들을 확인하였고, 소비자의 니즈를 관통하며 가장 많은 선택을 받는 음원들이 오히려 원 히트 원더형 패턴이 아니라 스테디셀러: 중기 패턴에 포진하고 있음을 확인하였다. 특히 주목할 만한 점은 스테디셀러형 패턴을 통해 기존의 패턴과는 상반되는 '차트 역주행' 현상을 확인했다는 것이다. 본 연구는 디지털 음원을 중심으로 상대적으로 소외되었던 분야인 시간의 흐름에 따른 음원의 순위 변화에 초점을 두었고, 음원의 흥행과 순위를 예측하는 것이 아니라 순위 변화의 패턴을 세분화함으로써 음원 연구에 대한 새로운 접근을 시도하였다는 점에서 의의가 있다.

• 지능정보연구
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• 제26권2호
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• pp.1-25
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• 2020

본 연구에서는 모바일 기기를 이용하여 획득한 가스계량기 사진을 서버로 전송하고, 이를 분석하여 가스 사용량 및 계량기 기물 번호를 인식함으로써 가스 사용량에 대한 과금을 자동으로 처리할 수 있는 응용 시스템 구조를 제안하고자 한다. 모바일 기기는 일반인들이 사용하는 스마트 폰에 준하는 기기를 사용하였으며, 획득한 이미지는 가스 공급사의 사설 LTE 망을 통해 서버로 전송된다. 서버에서는 전송받은 이미지를 분석하여 가스계량기 기물 번호 및 가스 사용량 정보를 추출하고, 사설 LTE 망을 통해 분석 결과를 모바일 기기로 회신한다. 일반적으로 이미지 내에는 많은 종류의 문자 정보가 포함되어 있으나, 본 연구의 응용분야인 가스계량기 자동 검침과 같이 많은 종류의 문자 정보 중 특정 형태의 문자 정보만이 유용한 분야가 존재한다. 본 연구의 응용분야 적용을 위해서는 가스계량기 사진 내의 많은 문자 정보 중에서 관심 대상인 기물 번호 및 가스 사용량 정보만을 선별적으로 검출하고 인식하는 관심 문자열 인식 기술이 필요하다. 관심 문자열 인식을 위해 CNN (Convolutional Neural Network) 심층 신경망 기반의 객체 검출 기술을 적용하여 이미지 내에서 가스 사용량 및 계량기 기물번호의 영역 정보를 추출하고, 추출된 문자열 영역 각각에 CRNN (Convolutional Recurrent Neural Network) 심층 신경망 기술을 적용하여 문자열 전체를 한 번에 인식하였다. 본 연구에서 제안하는 관심문자열 기술 구조는 총 3개의 심층 신경망으로 구성되어 있다. 첫 번째는 관심 문자열 영역을 검출하는 합성곱신경망이고, 두 번째는 관심 문자열 영역 내의 문자열 인식을 위해 영역 내의 이미지를 세로 열 별로 특징 추출하는 합성곱 신경망이며, 마지막 세 번째는 세로 열 별로 추출된 특징 벡터 나열을 문자열로 변환하는 시계열 분석 신경망이다. 관심 문자열은 12자리 기물번호 및 4 ~ 5 자리 사용량이며, 인식 정확도는 각각 0.960, 0.864 이다. 전체 시스템은 Amazon Web Service 에서 제공하는 클라우드 환경에서 구현하였으며 인텔 제온 E5-2686 v4 CPU 및 Nvidia TESLA V100 GPU를 사용하였다. 1일 70만 건의 검침 요청을 고속 병렬 처리하기 위해 마스터-슬레이브 처리 구조를 채용하였다. 마스터 프로세스는 CPU 에서 구동되며, 모바일 기기로 부터의 검침 요청을 입력 큐에 저장한다. 슬레이브 프로세스는 문자열 인식을 수행하는 심층 신경망으로써, GPU에서 구동된다. 슬레이브 프로세스는 입력 큐에 저장된 이미지를 기물번호 문자열, 기물번호 위치, 사용량 문자열, 사용량 위치 등으로 변환하여 출력 큐에 저장한다. 마스터 프로세스는 출력 큐에 저장된 검침 정보를 모바일 기기로 전달한다.

• 마케팅과학연구
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• 제18권4호
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• pp.1-32
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• 2008

기업연상(corporate association)이 제품 평가(product responses)에 어떻게 영향을 미치는 가에 대한 연구가 부진하다는 Brown and Dacin(1997)의 문제 제기가 있은 후, 기업연상이 제품 판단에 미치는 영향과 과정에 대한 조절변수와 매개변수들을 파악하려는 연구가 진행되어 왔다. 본 연구에서는 기업연상의 두가지 유형인 CA(corporate ability) 연상과 CSR(corporate social responsibility) 연상이 성능과 재무위험에 미치는 영향력과 그 영향력을 조절하는 변수들을 조사하였다. 분석 결과에 의하면, 주효과(main effects)에 있어서는, 가설에서 기대한 바와 같이 CA 연상이 성능위험과 재무위험에 유의한 영향력을 갖는 것으로 나타난 반면, CSR 연상은 성능위험과 재무위험에 대해 유의한 영향력을 갖지 않는 것으로 나타났다. 조절변수로 인한 상호작용효과와 관련해서는, CA 연상이 성능위험과 재무위험에 미치는 주효과에 대해 제품범주 지식과 관여는 각각 유의한 조절효과를 나타내었다. 하지만, CSR 연상이 성능위험과 재무위험에 미치는 주효과에 대해서는 제품범주 지식과 관여의 조절효과는 나타나지 않았다. 이러한 연구 결과를 통하여 제품의 기능적인 속성에 대한 정보가 부족한 제품에 대해 소비자가 지각하는 위험을 감소시키기 위하여, 기업은 CSR 연상보다는 CA 연상에 대해 강조할 필요가 있다는 결론을 내리게 되었다.

• 한국문헌정보학회지
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• 제24권
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• pp.289-332
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• 1993

In china, six bibliographies of offical historical books are evaluated at the most important things among the systematically-editing bibliographies. These bibliographies would be usful to study the orign of classical sciences and their development, bibliographic research of Chinese classics, bibliographic judgement on genuine books, titles, authors, volumes. They could be refered to research into graving, correcting, and existence of ancient books. therefore, these bibliographies would be applied to estimation the phase of scientific and cultural development. The study of these bibliographies has been not yet made in Korea. This thesis lays its importance on the background of their appearance, their classification norms, organizing system of their catalogue, and comparison between their difference. 1. Editing and compiling of Chilyak (칠약) by Liu Chin (유흠) and official histories played an important role of entering an apperance of historical book's bibliographies. Chilyak has been lost. However, its classification and compiling system of classical books would be traced by Hansoyemunji(한서예문지) of which basic system is similar to Chilyak. It classified books according to their scientific characteristic. If a few books didn't have their own categories, they were combined by the circles parallel to the books' characteristic. With the books classified under the same scientific characteristic, they were again divided into the scientific schools or structures. It also arranged the same kinds of books according to the chronology. The some books wi th duplicate subjects were classified multiplely by their duplicate subject. 2. Ssu-ma Chon's (사마천) The Historical Records (Saki, 사기) and Pan Ku's (반고) The History of the Former Han Dynasty (Hanso, 한서) has also took effects on appearance of historical books' bibliographies. Covering overall history, Saki was structured by the five parts: The basic annals(본기), the chronological tables (표), the documents (서), the hereditary houses (세가), biographies (열전). The basic annals dealt with kings and courts' affairs according to the chronology. The chronological tables was the records of the annals. The documents described overall the social and cultural systems. The hereditary houses recorded courts' meritorious officials and public figures. The biographies showed exemplars of seventy peoples selected by their social status. Pan Ku(반구)'s The History of the Former Han Dynasty(한서) deserved to be called the prototype for the offical histories after Saki's (사기; The Historical Records) apperance. Although it modelled on Saki, it had set up its own cataloguing system. It was organized by four parts; the basic annals (본기), the chronological tables (표), treatises(지), biographies (열전). The documents in the Hanso(한서) was converted into treatises(지). The hereditary houses and biographies were merged. For the first time, the treatise with The Yemunji could operate function for historical bibliographies. 3. There were six historical bibliographies: Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), Susokyongjeokji (수서경적지), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지), Shindangsoyemunji (신당서예문지), Songsayemunji (송사예문지), Myongsayemunji (명사예문지). 1) Modelling on Liu Chin's Chilyak except Chipryak(집략), Hansoyemunji divided the characteristic of the books and documents into six parts: Yukrye(육예), Cheja(제자), Shibu(시부), Pyongsoh(병서), Susul(수술), Pangki(방기). Under six parts, there were thirty eight orders in Hansoyemunji. To its own classification, Hansoyemunji applied the Chilyak's theory of classification that the books or documents were managed according to characteristic of sciences, the difference of schools, the organization of sentences. However the overlapped subjects were deleted and unified into one. The books included into an unsuitable subject were corrected and converted into another. The Hansoyemunji consisted of main preface (Taesoh 대서), minor preface (Sosoh 소서) , the general preface (Chongso 총서). It also recorded the introduction of books and documents, the origin of sciences, the outline of subjects, and the establishment of orders. The books classified by the subject had title, author, and volumes. They were rearranged by titles and the chronological publication year. Sometimes author was the first access point to catalogue the books. If it was necessary for the books to take footnotes, detail notes were formed. The Volume number written consecutively to order and subject could clarify the quantity of books. 2) Refering to Classfication System by Seven Norms (칠분법) and Classification System by Four Norms(사분법), Susokyongjeokji(수서경적지) had accomplished the classification by four norms. In fact, its classification largely imitated Wanhyosoh(완효서)'s Chilrok(칠록), Susokyongjeokji's system of classification consisted of four parts-Kyung(경), Sa(사), Cha(자), Chip(칩). The four parts were divided into 40 orders. Its appendix was again divided into two parts, Buddihism and Taiosm. Under the two parts there were fifteen orders. Totally Susokyongjeokji was made of six parts and fifty five orders. In comparison with Hansoyemunji(한서예문지), it clearly showed the conception of Kyung, Sa, Cha, Chip. Especially it deserved to be paid attention that Hansoyemunji laied history off Chunchu(춘추) and removed history to Sabu(사부). However Chabu(사부) put many contrary subjects such as Cheja(제자), Kiye(기예), Sulsu(술수), Sosol(소설) into the same boundary, which committed errors insufficient theoretical basis. Anothor demerit of Susokyongjeokji was that it dealt with Taiosm scriptures and Buddism scriptures at the appendix because they were considered as quasi-religion. Its compilation of bibliographical facts consisted of main preface(Taesoh 대서), minor preface(Sosoh 소서), general preface (Chongsoh 총서), postscript (Husoh 후서). Its bibliological facts mainly focused on the titles. Its recorded authors' birth date and their position. It wrote the lost and existence of books consecutive to total number of books, which revealed total of the lost books in Su Dynasty. 3) Modelling on the basis of Kokumsorok(고분서록) and Naewaekyongrok(내외경록), Kudangsokyongjeokji(구당서경적지) had four parts and fourty five orders. It was estimated as the important role of establishing basic frame of classification by four norms in classification theory's history. However it had also its own limit. Editing and compling orders of Kudangsokyongjeokji had been not progressively changed. Its orders imitated by and large Susokyongjeokji. In Its system of organizing catalogue, with its minor preface and general preface deleting, Kudangsokyongjeokji by titles after orders sometimes broke out confusion because of unclear boundaries between orders. 4) Shindangsoyemunji(신당서예문지), adding 28,469 books to Kudangsokyongjeokji, recorded 82,384 books which were divided by four parts and fourty four orders. In comparison with Kudangkyongjeokj, Sindangsoyemunji corrected unclear order's norm. It merged the analogical norms four orders (for instance, Kohun 고훈 and Sohakryu 소학류) and seperated the different norms four orders (for example, Hyokyong 효경 and Noneuhryu 논어류, Chamwi 참위 and Kyonghaeryu 경해류, Pyonryon 편년 and Wisaryu 위사류). Recording kings' behaviors and speeches (Kikochuryu 기거주류) in the historical parts induced the concept of specfication category. For the first time, part of Chipbu (집부) set up the order of classification norm for historical and literatural books and documents (Munsaryu 문사류). Its editing and compiling had been more simplified than Kudangsokyongjeokji. Introduction was written at first part of bibliographies. Appendants except bibliographic items such subject, author, title, volume number, total were omitted. 5) Songsayemunji(송사예문지) were edited in the basis of combining Puksong(북송) and Namsong(남송), depending on Sabukuksayemunji(사부국사예문지). Generally Songsayemunji had lost a lot of bibliographical facts of many books. They were duplicated and wrongly classified books because it committed an error of the incorrectly annalistic editing. Particularly Namsong showed more open these defaults. Songsayemunji didin't include the books published since the king Youngchong(영종). Its system of classification was more better controlled. Chamwiryu(참위류) in the part of Kyongbu(경부) was omitted. In the part of history(Sabu 사부), recordings of kings' behaviors and speeches more merged in the annals. Historical abstract documents (Sachoryu 사초류) were seperately arranged. In the part of Chabu(자부), Myongdangkyongmaekryu(명당경맥류) and Euisulryu(의술류) were combined. Ohangryu(오행류) were laied off Shikuryu(시구류). In the part of Chipbu(집부), historical and literatural books (Munsaryu 문사류) were independentely arranged. There were the renamed orders; from Wisa(위사) to Paesa(패사), Chapsa (잡사) to Pyolsa(열사), Chapchonki(잡전기) to Chonki(전기), Ryusoh(류서) to Ryusa(류서). Introduction had only main preface. The books of each subject catalogued by title, the volume number, and author and arranged mainly by authors. Annotations were written consecutively after title and the volume number. In the afternote the number of not-treated books were revealed. Difference from Singdangsohyemunji(신당서예문지) were that the concept and boundary of orders became more clearer. It also wrote the number of books consecutive to main subject. 6) Modelling on Chonkyongdangsomok (경당서목), Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) was compiled in the basis of books and documents published in the Ming Danasty. In classification system, Myongsayemunji partly merged and the seperated some orders for it. It also deleted and renamed some of orders. In case of necessity, combining of orders' norm was occured particulary in the part of Sabu(사부) and Chabu(자부). Therefore these merging of orders norm didn't offer sufficient theretical background. For example, such demerits were seen in the case that historical books edited by annals were combined with offical historical ones which were differently compiled and edited from the former. In the part of Chabu(자부), it broke out another confusion that Pubga(법가), Meongga(명가), Mukga(묵가), Chonghweongka's(종횡가) thoughts were classified in the Chapka(잡가). Scriptures of Taiosim and Buddhism were seperated from each other. There were some deleted books such as Mokrokryu(목록류), Paesaryu(패사류) in the part of history (Sabu 사부) and Chosaryu(초사류) in the part of Chipbu(집부). The some in the each orders had been renamed. Imitating compiling system of Songsayemunji(송사예문지), with reffering to its differ-ence, Myongsayemunji(명사예문지) wrote the review and the change of the books by author. The number of not-treated books didn't appear at the total. It also deleted the total following main subject.

• 중소기업연구
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• 제32권2호
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• pp.209-223
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• 2010

본고에서는 일본 중견기업의 위상, 특징, 관련 정책을 검토함으로써 우리나라에서의 중견기업 정책의 방향을 모색하고자 한다. 일본의 경쟁우위업종인 기계, 전자부품업의 출하와 고용비중은 여타 업종보다 높아, 그 저변에 두터운 중견기업이 존재하고 있음을 알 수 있다. 일본의 중견기업 육성정책은 연구개발과 환경대책을 위한 기업간 제휴 유도라는 측면에서 간접적으로 지원하고 있다. 우리나라도 특정 정책사업에 있어서 기업간 협력 유도를 통하여 중견기업을 육성할 수 있을 것이다.

• 대한한의학원전학회지
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• 제20권4호
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• pp.211-250
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• 2007

1. The 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金娥), Yoshida Koton(吉田篁墩) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li '(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 1739${\sim}$1798) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai, Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 1749${\sim}$1787) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論) and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯) 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai 's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋司"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue", "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Rits(森立之 1807${\sim}$ 1885) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai, a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("神農本草經"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"(神農本草經) and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"("枳園隨筆") that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"("說文解字") to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據). Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬 1804${\sim}$1876) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai, and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園). He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi" and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan" but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 912-955) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 1755-1810) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi" and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi" are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng" is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"("素問識"), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan lu Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"("難經疏證"), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"("疾雅"), "Ming Yi Gong An"("名醫公案"), and "Yi Ji Kao"("醫籍考"). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 1789-1827), Yuan Jian(元堅 1795-1857) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(樂匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素間紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"(傷寒廣要), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("該腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(失數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', 'the founding of Ji Shou Guan and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai ' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.

• 동국한의학연구소논문집
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• 제10권
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• pp.1-40
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• 2008

1.The 'Kao Zheng Pai'(考證派) comes from the 'Zhe Zhong Pai(折衷派)' and is a school that is influenced by the confucianism of the Qing dynasty. In Japan Inoue Kinga(井上金峨), Yoshida Koton(古田篁墩 $1745{\sim}1798$) became central members, and the rise of the methodology of historical research(考證學) influenced the members of the 'Zhe Zhong Pai', and the trend of historical research changed from confucianism to medicine, making a school of medicine based on the study of texts and proving that the classics were right. 2. Based on the function of 'Nei Qu Li'(內驅力) the 'Kao Zheng Pai', in the spirit of 'use confucianism as the base', researched letters, meanings and historical origins. Because they were influenced by the methodology of historical research(考證學) of the Qing era, they valued the evidential research of classic texts, and there was even one branch that did only historical research, the 'Rue Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(儒學考證派). Also, the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'(醫學考證派) appeared by the influence of Yoshida Kouton and Kariya Ekisai(狩谷掖齋). 3. In the 'Kao Zheng Pai(考證派)'s theories and views the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai' did not look at medical scriptures like the "Huang Di Nei Jing"("黃帝內經") and did not do research on 'medical' related areas like acupuncture, the meridian and medicinal herbs. Since they were doctors that used medicine, they naturally were based on 'formulas'(方劑) and since their thoughts were based on the historical ideologies, they valued the "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun" which was revered as the 'ancestor of all formulas'(衆方之祖). 4. The lives of the important doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢) Yamada Seichin(山田正珍), Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Mori Ritsi(森立之) Kitamura Naohara(喜多村直寬) are as follows. 1) Meguro Dotaku(目黑道琢 $1739{\sim}1798$) was born of lowly descent but, using his intelligence and knowledge, became a professor as a Shi Jing Yi(市井醫) and as a professor for 34 years at Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) mastered the "Huang Di Nei Jing" after giving over 300 lectures. Since his pupil, Isawara Ken(伊澤蘭軒) taught the Lan Men Wu Zhe(蘭門五哲) and Shibue Chusai(澀江抽齋), Mori Ritsi(森立之), Okanishi Gentei(岡西玄亭), Kiyokawa Gendoh(淸川玄道) and Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣), Meguro Dotaku is considered the founder of the 'Yi Xue Kao Zheng Pai'. 2) The family of Yamada Seichin(山田正珍 $1749{\sim}1787$) had been medical officials in the Makufu(幕府) and the many books that his ancestors had left were the base of his art. Seichin learned from Shan Ben Bei Shan(山本北山), a 'Zhe Zhong Pai' scholar, and put his efforts into learning, teaching and researching the "Shang Han Lun"("傷寒論"). Living in a time between 'Gu Fang Pai'(古方派) member Nakanishi Goretada(中西惟忠) and 'Kao Zheng Pai' member Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡), he wrote 11 books, 2 of which express his thoughts and research clearly, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Cheng"("傷寒論集成") and "Shang Han Kao"("傷寒考"). His comparison of the 'six meridians'(3 yin, 3 yang) between the "Shang Han Lun" and the "Su Wen Re Lun"("素問 熱論") and his acknowledgement of the need and rationality of the concept of Yin-Yang and Deficient-Replete distinguishes him from the other 'Gu Fang Pai'. Also, his dissertation of the need for the concept doesn't use the theories of latter schools but uses the theory of the "Shang Han Lun" itself. He even researched the historical parts, such as terms like 'Shen Nong Chang Bai Cao'(神農嘗百草) and 'Cheng Qi Tang'(承氣湯). 3) The ancestor of Yamada Kyoko(山田業廣) was a court physician, and learned confucianism from Kao Zheng Pai's Ashikawa Genan(朝川善庵) and medicine from Isawa Ranken(伊澤蘭軒) and Taki Motokata(多紀元堅), and the secret to smallpox from Ikeda Keisui(池田京水). He later became a lecturer at the Edo Yi Xue Guan(醫學館) and was invited as the director to the Ji Zhong(濟衆) hospital. He also became the first owner of the Wen Zhi She(溫知社), whose main purpose was the revival of kampo, and launched the monthly magazine Wen Zi Yi Tan(溫知醫談). He also diagnosed and prescribed for the prince Ming Gong(明宮). His works include the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨"), "Shang Han Lun Si Ci"("傷寒論釋詞"), "Huang Zhao Zhu Jia Zhi Yan Ji Yao"("皇朝諸家治驗集要") and "Shang Han Ja Bing Lun Lei Juan"("傷寒雜病論類纂"). of these, the "Jing Fang Bian"("經方辨") states that the Shi Gao(石膏) used in the "Shang Han Lun" had three meanings-Fa Biao(發表), Qing Re(淸熱), Zi Yin(滋陰)-which were from 'symptoms', and first deducted the effects and then told of the reason. Another book, the "Jiu Zhe Tang Du Shu Ji"("九折堂讀書記") researched and translated the difficult parts of the "Shang Han Lun", "Jin Qui Yao Lue"("金匱要略"), "Qian Jin Fang"("千金方"), and "Wai Tai Mi Yao"("外臺秘要"). He usually analyzed the 'symptoms' of diseases but the composition, measurement, processing and application of medicine were all in the spectrum of 'analystic research' and 'researching analysis'. 4) The ancestors of Mori Ritsi(森立之 $1807{\sim}1885$) were warriors but he became a doctor by the will of his mother, and he learned from Shibue Chosai(澁江抽齋) and Isawaran Ken(伊澤蘭軒) and later became a pupil of Shou Gu Yi Zhai(狩谷掖齋), a historical research scholar. He then became a lecturer of medical herbs at the Yi Xue Guan, and later participated in the proofreading of "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方") and with Chosai compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志"). He visited the Chinese scholar Yang Shou Jing(楊守敬) in 1881 and exchanged books and ideas. Of his works, there are the collections(輯複本) of "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing"("神農本草經") and "You Xiang Yi Hwa"("遊相醫話") and the records, notes, poems, and diaries such as "Zhi Yuan Man Lu"("枳園漫錄") and "Zhi Yuan Sui Bi"(枳園隨筆) that were not published. His thoughts were that in restoring the "Shen Nong Ben Cao Jing", "the herb to the doctor is like the "Shuo Wen Jie Zi"(說文解字) to the scholar", and he tried to restore the ancient herbal text using knowledge of medicine and investigation(考據), Also with Chosai he compiled the "Jing Ji Fang Gu Zhi"("經籍訪古志") using knowledge of ancient text. Ritzi left works on pure investigation, paid much attention to social problems, and through 12 years of poverty treated all people and animals in all branches of medicine, so he is called a 'half confucianist half doctor'(半儒半醫). 5) Kitamurana Ohira(喜多村直寬, $1804{\sim}1876$) learned scriptures and ancient texts from confucian scholar Asaka Gonsai(安積艮齋), and learned medicine from his father Huai Yaun(槐園), He became a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan in his middle ages, and to repay his country, he printed 266 volumes of "Yi Fang Lei Ju"("醫方類聚") and 1000 volumes of "Tai Ping Yu Lan"("太平禦覽") and devoted it to his country to be spread. His works are about 40 volumes including "Jin Qui Yao Lue Shu Yi"("金匱要略疏義") and "Lao Yi Zhi Yan"(老醫巵言) but most of them are researches on the "Shang Han Za Bing Lun". In his "Shang Han Lun Shu Yi"("傷寒論疏義") he shows the concept of the six meridians through the Yin-Yang, Superficial or internal, cold or hot, deficient or replete state of diseases, but did not match the names with the six meridians of the meridian theory, and this has something in common with the research based on the confucianism of Song(宋儒). In clinical treatment he was positive toward old and new methods and also the experience of civilians, but was negative toward western medicine. 6) The ancestor of the Taki family Tanbano Yasuyori(丹波康賴 $912{\sim}955$) became a Yi Bo Shi(醫博士) by his medical skills and compiled the "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"). His first son Tanbano Shigeaki(丹波重明) inherited the Shi Yao Yuan(施藥院) and the third son Tanbano Masatada(丹波雅忠) inherited the Dian You Tou(典藥頭). Masatada's descendents succeeded him for 25 generations until the family name was changed to Jin Bao(金保) and five generations later it was changed again to Duo Ji(多紀). The research scholar Taki Motohiro was in the third generation after the last name was changed to Taki, and his family kept an important part in the line of medical officers in Japan. Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡 $1755{\sim}1810$) was a teacher in the Yi Xue Guan where his father was residing, and became the physician for the general Jia Qi(家齊). He had a short temper and was not good at getting on in the world, and went against the will of the king and was banished from Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師). His most famous works, the "Shang Han Lun Ji Yi"("傷寒論輯義") and "Jin Qui Yao Lue Ji Yi"("金匱要略輯義") are the work of 20 years of collecting the theories of many schools and discussing, and is one of the most famous books on the "Shang Han Lun" in Japan. "Yi Sheng"("醫勝") is a collection of essays on research. Also there are the "Su Wen Shi"(素問識), "Ling Shu Shi"("靈樞識"), and the "Guan Ju Fang Yao Bu"("觀聚方要補"). Taki Motohiro(多紀元簡)'s position was succeeded by his third son Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), and his works include works of research such as "Nan Jing Shu Jeng"(難經疏證), "Ti Ya"("體雅"), "Yao Ya"("藥雅"), "Ji Ya"(疾雅), "Ming Yi Gong An"(名醫公案), and "Yi Ji Kao"(醫籍考). The "Yi Ji Kao" is 80 volumes in length and lists about 3000 books on medicine in China before the Qing Dao Guang(道光), and under each title are the origin, number of volumes, state of existence, and, if possible, the preface, Ba Yu(跋語) and biography of the author. The younger sibling of Yuan Yin(元胤 $1789{\sim}1827$), Yuan Jian(元堅 $1795{\sim}1857$) expounded ancient writings at the Yi Xue Guan only after he reached middle age, was chosen for the Ao Yi Shi(奧醫師) and later became a Fa Yan(法眼), Fa Yin(法印) and Yu Chi(禦匙). He left about 15 texts, including "Su Wen Shao Shi"("素問紹識"), "Yi Xin Fang"("醫心方"), published in school, "Za Bing Guang Yao"("雜病廣要"), "Shang Han Guang Yao"("傷寒廣要"), and "Zhen Fu Yao Jue"("診腹要訣"). On the Taki family's founding and working of the Yi Xue Guan Yasuka Doumei(矢數道明) said they were "the people who took the initiative in Edo era kampo medicine" and evaluated their deeds in the fields of 'research of ancient text', the founding of Ji Shou Guan(躋壽館) and medical education', 'publication business', 'writing of medical text'. 5. The doctors of the 'Kao Zheng Pai' based their operations on the Edo Yi Xue Guan, and made groups with people with similar ideas to them, making a relationship 'net'. For example the three families of Duo Ji(多紀), Tang Chuan(湯川) and Xi Duo Cun(喜多村) married and adopted with and from each other and made prefaces and epitaphs for each other. Thus, the Taki family, the state science of the Makufu, the tendency of thinking, one's own interests and glory, one's own knowledge, the need of the society all played a role in the development of kampo medicine in the 18th and 19th century.