• Title/Summary/Keyword: politics of home

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Jubu, Politics of Gender, and National Development in South Korea (한국의 주부와 개발의 정치학)

  • 데니스하트
    • Journal of Families and Better Life
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    • v.19 no.2
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    • pp.47-66
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    • 2001
  • Today in modern Korea, the preferred modern social role for many modern women is that of modern housewife. This move to the role of housewife is a change in more than just a role; it also reflects a deep and fundamental change that has taken place in the social and economic roles of married women. This shift in economic activities and the gender roles they help produce speaks of a deep and profound process of transformation for all of Korea. Traditionally, a woman was a member of a family premised upon group production as well as group consumption. The role of jubu is derived almost exclusively from market forces and bases her identity and actions upon those forces. This distinction is crucial because it means Korean women are finding that they are no longer as central to the existence of the family. Modern life situations have altered a womans role by making consumption, not production by the woman herself, the keystone of modern families.

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A Study on the GSHP System for Domestic application(I) (GSHP 시스템의 국내적용성에 관한 연구(I))

  • 백성권;안형준;박영진
    • Proceedings of the Korean Geotechical Society Conference
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    • 2002.03a
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    • pp.439-444
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    • 2002
  • Geothermal or ground source heat pumps(GSHPs) are electrically powered systems that take advantage of the earth's relatively constant temperature to provide heating, cooling, and hot water for homes and commercial buildings. The buried pipe, or ground loop, is the most recent technical advance in heat pump technology. The idea to bury pipe in the ground to gather heat energy began in the 1940s. Only recently, however, have new heat pump designs and improved buried pipe materials been combined to make GHP systems the most efficient heating and cooling systems available. The aim of the study is application of the GSHP system in korea. Our environments for economy, politics and society are different from other countries. For a case, the progressive tax rate of home electricity is represented.

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Improvement of women's Education in Korea and their Employment (한국여성의 교육향상과 직장참여 - 학교교육과 직장생활의 성별차별)

  • 전희정
    • Journal of the Korean Home Economics Association
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    • v.11 no.4
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    • pp.414-423
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    • 1973
  • Before the modern education was introduced in Korea men had the opportunity to be educated. Women's education was limited to a small number of girls belonging to ruling class. It was the men who got a job to earn the money for the family. The customary law prohibited women from being employed. They were to stay at home engaged in household affairs. This phenomenon has undergone a change when modern education was adopted which gave women the equal opportunity in education. The modernization of the country required a lot of educated and skilled labour. Since 1945 when Korea was liberated from the Japanese colonial administration the modernization programme has been worked out in every field such as industry, education, culture and politics, etc. The traditional grand family was transformed to nuclear family. The migration took place from country to town. With the adoption of compulsory education in the primary school the schoolgirls are increased in great number. The number of girls has been increased every year in Middle Schools, High schools and Universities. Even if boys still outnumber girls in all education institutions, the rate of increase of girl students are higher than that of boy students. Accordingly women are given more opportunity than ever for the employment vis-a-vis men. The number of employed women has been increasing greatly in recent years inproportion to the acceleration of industrialization. The type of their job is also various and colorful ranging from factory worker to doctor and lawyer. There are some problems to be solved with respect to the improvement of women's education. The improved women's education should be reviewed light of the fact that inequality still exists between men and women in occupation and wages, and that women is required of good education contributable to the better Korean society.

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Empirical Analysis of Political Communication Mode at Cyberspace (사이버 공간에서의 정치 커뮤니케이션 양식 분석 연구 : 제16대 공선 후보자 사이버 게시판 분석을 중심으로)

  • Hwang, Geun
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.16
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    • pp.207-254
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    • 2001
  • This study is focused on forecasting the future of tole-democracy. Many Scholars expect that internet provides technological space needing realizing the tole-democracy or deliberate democracy. Especially in Korea, this expectation is higher than other nations because of political corruption and inefficiency. Therefore internet is intended to considering as new technologies reforming political process. In 16th the general election period, many candidates established home page and used as election campaign tool. And a little of home pages is payed attention to among voters. In spite of using internet as political medium, many political communication researchers have a doubt that internet will realize ideal direct democracy. It's reason is that internet is open and anonymous space. At anonymous space, communication participators is tended to be irresponsible and non-serious. Therefore it is hard that cyber-politics will be ideal type of democracy. In this context, this paper analyzed how pauicipators communicate with others at cyber bulletin board establishing candidate's home pages. Main research questions is how do discussions at cyberspace fulfill the conditions of deliberate democracy. Therefore, concrete questions include; who are participators at candidate's cyber bulletin board; which pattern do they communicate; what is the theme of communication; which effects do the anonymous character of cyberspace influence. To that purpose, this study conducted content analysis on 4,210 written matters at 82 cyber bulletin boards of candidate's home page establishing during 16th the general election period. It can be found that cyberspace in Korea still is not deliberate democracy space and not will be. Firstly, discussion patterns at cyber bulletin board is "candidate with supporters communication space. To be exact, it is said that candidate's home page is "the space of self-convincing among supporters." Secondly, the main themes of discussion are simple emotional expressions; "I support you!" "fighting" "Be vigor" etc. By contrast, real political contents'-central or local political matters - is relatively few. In the mode of expression, real political messages are more positive, logical than simple expressions, candidates private matters. Especially this characteristic will make cyberspace as "mutual slander space" consolidating anonymous characteristic of cyberspace. finally, Cyberspace in Korea still is not real "public sphere" realizing deliberate process. Therefore to be real public sphere, it is needed to participant's ethical maturity and political citizenship. In conclusion, it is difficult that cyberspace will reconstruct the Athene's Agora. On the contrary, Cyberagora will like to be irrespectable area fulfilling the sweeping. Making the deliberate space, technological possibility and ethical condition will have to be balanced together.

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Ideal Image and Fashion of Korean Women in the 1970s (1970년대 한국의 이상적 여성상과 패션)

  • Lee, Hana;Lee, Yhe-Young
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Clothing and Textiles
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    • v.39 no.5
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    • pp.641-655
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    • 2015
  • This study examined the ideal image and fashion of Korean women in the 1970s from a socio-cultural context. This study used information on the 1970s politics, economy, and culture provided by "Chosun Ilbo" and "Yosungjungang" as well as their presentation of the ideal image and fashion for Korean women in the 1970s. The ideal image and fashion of women were considered from the viewpoint of Hamilton's Meta-theory. The ideal image of women in the 1970s is divided into two aspects. The image from the traditional Confucian perspective was prevalent and restricted the lives of women to housekeeping chores. On the contrary, women have increasingly participated in society vis-$\grave{a}$-vis education and employment opportunities to present a progressive image of women. These aspects coexisted during the turmoil of social change. Progressive women had money to buy clothes because they were economically independent. These women embraced styles that included mini, midi, maxi, and bell-bottom pants. Further, pants were developed into different styles such as pant suits. T-shirts and blue jeans as casual wear were very popular among the youth. At the end of the 1970s, the tailored look and the big look (which copied men's clothing) were in fashion. Masculine styles such as wide shoulders with pads and neckties strengthened gender equality. Other fashions were dominated by feminine styles described as beautiful, sweet, and elegant that reflected Korean society's tendency to regard women as sex objects. Clothing that exposed the body highlights this sexual objectification aspect. Women wore miniskirts, hot pants, and bikinis because they wanted to enhance their sex appeal, propagating the view of women as sex objects. In conclusion, all aspects of society and culture were closely interrelated with a fashion style that reflected the values of those aspects.

A Study on the Brand Situations of Neck-tie-industry and Consumer Purchasing Behavior (넥타이 업체의 브랜드 현황과 소비자 구매행동에 관한 연구)

  • 이인자;박지영
    • Journal of the Korean Society of Costume
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    • v.23
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    • pp.169-181
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    • 1994
  • The Purpose of this study is to help the neck-tie business enterprise establish the reasonable marketing strategy meeting consumer' needs by grasping their characteristic of purchasing neck-ties and their attitudes toward trademarks. The findings of this study are as follows : 1. It was shown that the neck-tie enterprise tended to appeal to megazines, catalogues , etc as promotional politics, while the tips obtained by consumers would come from the showcase at the purchasing place. and the consumer showed a positive response to the salesperson's advice. For this result, it is required to place further emphasis on the marketing policy such as the display of products at the store or the education of sales persons. 2. It was shown that the consumer tended to use the department store as the purchasing place remarkably, and so it could be found that the use of the department store is becoming generalized to the consumer. But is was shown that the consumer sensitive to prices tended to make use of the marketplace as the purchasing place, so the practical marketing strategy should be established in relation to this trend. 3. The important elements excreting an influence on the consumer's purchasing the neck-tie were shown to be in orders of design > color> harmony > with suit > price > quality, and the product differentiation policy used by the business enterprise to appeal to the consumer was shown to be in orders of design >color > quality > material > price. Accordingly , it was consistent with the consumer's criterion for choice to an extent. 4. It was shown that the selling price for the neck-tie brand actually was higher for imported or technically cooperated brands than for the home-made brand. Thus, the consumer's perception of the price for the neck-tie was consistent with in this regard, consumers did not feel some difference in quality between the home -made neck-tie brand and the imported or technically cooperated neck-tie brand . Therefore, it is important to produce the product capable of satisfying the consumer's need by manufacturing the own brand on basis of impored technology.

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A Study on Strategies Elements(4Cs) of Space Marketing Comparative Analysis for Housing Culture Center (주택문화관의 공간구성과 스페이스 마케팅 전략적 요소(4Cs)에 관한 비교 분석 연구)

  • Kim, Ji-Hye;Kong, Soon-Ku
    • Korean Institute of Interior Design Journal
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    • v.20 no.5
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    • pp.208-216
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    • 2011
  • Today, the market environment for companies around the world has been changed by globalization, digital innovation, information by opening the diversity, consumer awareness, and the development of mass media in the wide areas such as, politics, economy, society and culture. Accordingly, the function of the housing cultural center also has been changed from the Place where the trading had been made to the Space where the marketing could work. The housing cultural center is home to companies to target their corporate culture and corporate image, and the brand identity. From the space marketing standpoint, this study extracts differentiator of the housing cultural center from theoretical consideration to boom up of the housing cultural center and to build up its identification. Based on this analysis, the design identity element of the interior design of the housing cultural center is proposed by the actual and analytical cases. Such a future plan design identity elements in the design of the new housing cultural center is providing basic design guide line to recognize the importance.

A Style Study on the Iranian Vampire Film (이란-뱀파이어 영화 <밤을 걷는 뱀파이어 소녀> 스타일 연구)

The relationship between the major market-based media and the government in Korea (한국의 민주화와 미디어 : 정부와 시장 주류 미디어의 관계)

  • Jo, Hang-Je
    • Korean journal of communication and information
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    • v.16
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    • pp.168-206
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    • 2001
  • This study attempts to examine the relationships between the major market-based media and the government after closing military regime era, 1961-1987. After the military regime was collapsed, while the mass media in Korea obtained independence and autonomy from government, they have been confronted with the terrible competition not so much comparatively as before. The watchdog role in the traditional liberalism, which is regarded as normative relationship between the media and the government would be transformed in accordance with the market condition and the maturity of democracy. Thus, the watchdog metaphor has been variously deviated in rower-centered society; lap dog, guard dog, attack dog. liberalists argue that the primary democratic role of the media is to art as a public watchdog overseeing the state. Social democrats, however, criticize them as simplistic conception which could be only applied to the government. They argue that the media should be seen as a source of redress against the abuse of all forms of power over others; the home, the economy, and the civil society. The lap dog view is that the media is overwhelmingly dependent on the established power structure contrary to the watchdog. While the guard dog perspective is a means to preserve the power structure alarming with playing 'conflict role', the attack do8 aims to the private interest of the media in intruding into the politics. The attack dog perspective by T. Patterson could be composed of the interpretive style of report, the game schema report over the policy schema in the election, and the negativism against politics and government. The market-dominant press has been likely to transform from lap-guard dog into attack-guard dog. In Roh Tae Woo government(1988-1992), while the press was a lessened lap-guard dog before three parties merger in 1990, after merger the press had been transformed as the reinforced lap-guard dog because this merger entailed joint, party-to-party negotiations, and the formation of the new party preceded by dissolution of the ruling blot. In the early stage of Kim Young Sam government(1993-1997), the press has kept in pace with the reform movement drive-forced by the government. However, the press withdrew the support of Kim's reform in reaching the level of threat to ruling bloc. The press coalesced only circumstantially with government and was interested in preserving some margin of independence. The failure of Kim's reform proved the political muscle of the press in post-autho-ritarianism. In the middle stage of Kim Dae Jung government (1998-) that resulted in the shift of power structure as once-opposition party leader, the stress has been a manifested attack-guard dog owing to the anti-cold war policy, the realignment policy of power, and the minority-base of Kim's government. The press has endeavored to hold political communication within limits relatively less threatening to the established order.

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A Study on the Identity and Activities of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort group - New China's Culture Politics through the Korean War ('항미원조'(抗美援朝) 위문단의 실체와 활동 양상 -한국전쟁을 통한 신중국의 문화정치)

  • LI, FU-SHI
    • (The) Research of the performance art and culture
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    • no.43
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    • pp.173-202
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    • 2021
  • During the Korean War, China dispatched 'the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group to North Korea 3 times. The purpose of the comfort group was to comfort the Chinese People's Supporting Soldiers and Joseon People's Army fighting the US imperial forces and at the same time, inform them of China's situation to booster their morale. Another purpose was to promote the socialism construction projects in the new China. Namely, China wanted to propagate various heroic achievements of the Chinese soldiers and accuse the US imperialist soldiers and thereby, inspire Chinese people's international sense and patriotism for the new China to mobilize the people for the war and promote the construction of the new China effectively. The comfort group consisted of diverse classes (laborers, farmers, intellectuals, women, students, soldiers, etc.) in various areas such as politics, military, ethnic, society, culture, education, etc. Their activities were conducted in various forms such as consolation, legwork, meeting and performances. Their activities were full of anger and compassion, sacrifice and emotion, battle and romance, impression and comfort. Such emotion was delivered intact to the Chinese people through the comfort group's propaganda activities back home in China. The Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Comfort' group revealed their identity of socialists New China in terms of their organization and their specific performances. Their identity claimed for democracy and equality, internationalism empathizing world peace and solidarity of the proletariats, and patriotism supporting the communists regime. The comfort group played a role in propagating such identity of new China effectively by crossing the border. It was a political and cultural performance that stipulated the political meaning of the Anti-US and Pro-Joseon Chosun Comfort' group